(YÛ'nWË'HÏ UGÛ'nWA`LÏ II.)
Yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï.
Galû'nlatï, datsila'ï--Yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï.
Nûndâgû'nyï gatla'ahï--Yû'nwëhï.

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Gë`yagu'ga Gi'gage, tsûwatsi'la gi'gage tsiye'la skïna'dû`lani'ga-- Yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï.

Hiä-`nû' atawe'ladi'yï kanâ'hëhû galûnlti'tla.

Translation.
SONG FOR PAINTING.
Yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï.
I am come from above--Yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï.
I am come down from the Sun Land--yû'nwëhï.

O Red Agë`yagu'ga. you have come and put your red spittle upon my body--Yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï, yû'nwëhï!.

And this above is to recite while one is painting himself.

Explanation.
This formula, from Gatigwanasti, immediately follows the one last given, in the manuscript book, and evidently comes immediately after it also in practical use. The expressions used have been already explained. The one using the formula first bathes in the running stream, reciting at the same time the previous formula "Amâ'yï Ä'tawasti'yï." He then repairs to some convenient spot with his paint, beads, and other paraphernalia and proceeds to adorn himself for the dance, which usually begins about an hour after dark, but is not fairly under way until nearly midnight. The refrain, yû'nwëhï, is probably sung while mixing the paint, and the other portion is recited while applying the pigment, or vice versa. Although these formula are still in use, the painting is now obsolete, beyond an occasional daubing of the face, without any plan or pattern, on the occasion of a dance or ball play.

ADALANI'STA`TI'YÏ. I.
Sgë! Ha-nâ'gwa hatû'ngani'ga nihï'--

--Tsa'watsi'lû tsïkï' tsïkû' ayû'.
--Hiyelû' tsïkï' tsïkû' ayû'.
--Tsäwiyû' tsïkï' tsïkû' ayû'.
--Tsûnahu' tsïkï' tsïkû' ayû'.

Sgë! Nâ'gwa hatû'ngani'ga, Hïkayû'nlige. Hiä' asga'ya uda'ntâ tsa`ta'hisi'ga [Hïkayû'nlige] hiye'lastûn. Tsaskûlâ'hïsti-gwû' nige'sûnna. Dïkana'watûnta-gwû tsûtû'neli'ga. Hïlû dudantë'`tï nige'sûnna. Duda'ntâ dûskalûn'tseli'ga. Astï' digû'nnage tagu'talûntani'ga.

Translation.
TO ATTRACT AND FIX THE AFFECTIONS.
Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken--


--Your spittle, I take it, I eat it.
--Your body, I take it, I eat it.
--Your flesh, I take it, I eat it
--Your heart, I take it, I eat it


Each sung four times.





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Listen! O, now you have drawn near to hearken, O, Ancient One. This man's (woman's) soul has come to rest at the edge of your body. You are never to let go your hold upon it. It is ordained that you shall do just as you are requested to do. Let her never think upon any other place. Her soul has faded within her. She is bound by the black threads.

Explanation.
This formula is said by the young husband, who has just married an especially engaging wife, who is liable to be attracted by other men. The same formula may also be used by the woman to fix her husband's affections. On the first night that they are together the husband watches until his wife is asleep, when, sitting up by her side, he recites the first words: Sgë! Ha-nâ'gwa hatû'ngani'ga nihï', and then sings the next four words: Tsawatsi'lû tsïkï' tsïkû' ayû', "Your spittle, I take it, I eat it," repeating the words four times. While singing he moistens his fingers with spittle, which he rubs upon the breast of the woman. The next night he repeats the operation, this time singing the words, "I take your body." The third night, in the same way, he sings, "I take your flesh," and the fourth and last night, he sings "I take your heart," after which he repeats the prayer addressed to the Ancient One, by which is probably meant the Fire (the Ancient White). A`yûninï states that the final sentences should be masculine, i. e., His soul has faded, etc., and refer to any would-be seducer. There is no gender distinction in the third person in Cherokee. He claimed that this ceremony was so effective that no husband need have any fears for his wife after performing it.

ADAYE'LIGA'GTA`TÏ'.
Yû! Galû'nlatï tsûl`dâ'histï, Giya'giya' Sa'ka'ni, nâ'gwa nûntalûn i'yû'nta. Tsâ'la Sa`ka'ni tsûgistâ'`tï adûnni'ga. Nâ'gwa nidâtsu'l`tanû'nta, nû'ntâtagû' hisa'hasi'ga. Tani'dâgûn' aye'`lï dehidâ'siga. Unada'ndâ dehiyâ'staneli'ga. Nidugale'ntanû'nta nidûhûnneli'ga.

Tsisga'ya agine'ga', nûndâgû'nyï ditsidâ'`stï. Gû'nï âstû' uhisa'`tï nige'sûnna. Agë'`ya une'ga hi'ä iyu'stï gûlstû'`lï, iyu'sti tsûdâ'ita. Uda'ndâ usïnu'lï dâdatinilû'gûnelï'. Nûndâgû'nyitsû' dâdatinilugûstanelï. Tsisga'ya agine'ga, ditsidûstû'nï nû`nû' kana'tlani'ga. Tsûnkta' tegä`la'watege'stï. Tsiye'lûn gesû'nï uhisa'`tï nige'sûnna.

Translation.
FOR SEPARATION (OF LOVERS).
Yû! On high you repose, O Blue Hawk, there at the far distant lake. The blue tobacco has come to be your recompense. Now you have arisen at once and come down. You have alighted midway between them where they two are standing. You have spoiled their souls immediately. They have at once become separated.

I am a white man; I stand at the sunrise. The good sperm shall never allow any feeling of loneliness. This white woman is of the Paint (iyustï) clan; she is

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called (iyustï) Wâyï'. We shall instantly turn her soul over. We shall turn it over as we go toward the Sun Land. I am a white man. Here where I stand it (her soul) has attached itself to (literally, "come against") mine. Let her eyes in their sockets be forever watching (for me). There is no loneliness where my body is.

Explanation.
This formula, from A`yûninï's book, is used to separate two lovers or even a husband and wife, if the jealous rival so desires. In the latter case the preceding formula, from the same source, would be used to forestall this spell. No explanation of the ceremony is given, but the reference to tobacco may indicate that tobacco is smoked or thrown into the fire during the recitation. The particular hawk invoked (giya'giya') is a large species found in the coast region but seldom met with in the mountains. Blue indicates that it brings trouble with it, while white in the second paragraph indicates that the man is happy and attractive in manner.

In the first part of the formula the speaker calls upon the Blue Hawk to separate the lovers and spoil their souls, i. e., change their feeling toward each other. In the second paragraph he endeavors to attract the attention of the woman by eulogizing himself. The expression, "we shall turn her soul over," seems here to refer to turning her affections, but as generally used, to turn one's soul is equivalent to killing him.

(ADALANÏ'STÄ`TIYÏ II.)
Yû! Ha-nâ'gwa ada'ntï dätsâsi'ga, * * hïlû(stû'`lï), (* *) ditsa-(dâ'ita). A'yû O O tsila(stû'`lï). Hiye'la tsïkï' tsïkû'. (Yû!).

Yû! Ha-nâ'gwa ada'ntï dätsâsi'ga, * * hïlû(stû'`lï), (* *) ditsa-(dâ'ita). A'yû O O tsûwi'ya tsïkï' tsïkû'. Yû!

Yû! Ha-nâ'gwa ada'ntï dätsâsi'ga, * * hïlû(stû'`lï), (* *) ditsa-(dâ'ita). A'yû O O tsûwatsi'la tsïkï' tsïkû'. Yû!

Yû! Ha-nâ'gwa ada'ntï dätsâsi'ga, * * hïlû(stû'`lï), (* *) ditsa-(dâ'ita). A'yû O O tsûnahü' tsïkï' tsïkû'. Yû!

Sgë! "Ha-nâ'gwa ada'ntï dutsase', tsugale'ntï nige'sû'nna," tsûdûneï, Hïkayû'nlige galû'nlatï. Kananë'skï Û'nnage galû'nlatï (h)etsatsâ'ûntänile'ï. Tsänilta'gï tsûksâ'ûntanile'ï. * * gûla(stû'`lï), * * ditsadâ'(ita). Dudantâ'gï uhani'latâ tïkwenû'ntani'ga. Kûlkwâ'gï igûlsta'lagï iyû'nta yû'nwï adayû'nlatawä' dudûne'lida'lûn uhisa'`tï nige'sûnna.

Sgë! Ha-nâ'gwatï uhisa'`tï dutlû'ntani'ga. Tsû'nkta daskâ'lûntsi'ga. Sâ'gwahï di'kta de'gayelûntsi'ga. Ga'tsa igûnû'nugâ'ïstû uda'ntâ? Usû'hita nudanû'nna ûltûnge'ta, gûnwadûneli'dege'stï. Igûnwûlsta'`ti-gwû duwâlu'wa`tûntï nige'sûnna. Kananë'skï Ûnnage'ï tsanildew`se'stï ada'ntâ uktûnlesi'dastï nige'sûna. Gadâyu'stï tsûdâ'ita ada'ntï tside'atsasi'ga. A'ya a'kwatseli'ga.

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Sgë! Ha-nâ'gwûlë' hûnhatûnga'ga, Hïkayû'nlï Gi'gage. Tsetsûli'sï hiye'lastûn a`ta'hisi'ga. Ada'ntâ hasû'gû'`lawï'stani'ga, tsa'skaláhistï nige'sûnna. Hïkayû'nlige denätsegû`la'wïstani'ga. Agë'`ya gï'nsûngû`lawïs'tani'ga uda'ntâ uwahisï'sata. Dïgïnaskûlâ'hïstï nige'sûnna. Yû!

Hi'ä nasgwû' u`tlâ'yi-gwû dïgalû'nwistan'tï snûnâ'yï hani'`lihûgûnasgi'stï. Gane'tsï aye'`lï asi'tadis'tï watsi'la, ganûnli'yetï aguwaye'nï andisgâ'ï. Sâi'yï tsika'nâhe itsu'laha'gwû.

Translation.
TO FIX THE AFFECTIONS.
Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer (x x) clan. Your name is (x x) Ayâsta, I am of the Wolf (o-o) clan. Your body, I take it, I eat it. Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your flesh I take, I eat. Yû!

Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your spittle I take, I eat. I! Yû!

Yû! Ha! Now the souls have come together. You are of the Deer clan. Your name is Ayâsta. I am of the Wolf clan. Your heart I take, I eat. Yû!

Listen! "Ha! Now the souls have met, never to part," you have said, O Ancient One above. O Black Spider, you have been brought down from on high. You have let down your web. She is of the Deer clan; her name is Ayâsta. Her soul you, have wrapped up in (your) web. There where the people of the seven clans are continually coming in sight and again disappearing (i. e. moving about, coming; and going), there was never any feeling of loneliness.

Listen! Ha! But now you have covered her over with loneliness. Her eyes have faded. Her eyes have come to fasten themselves on one alone. Whither can her soul escape? Let her be sorrowing as she goes along, and not for one night alone. Let her become an aimless wanderer, whose trail may never be followed. O Black Spider, may you hold her soul in your web so that it shall never get through the meshes. What is the name of the soul? They two have come together. It is mine!

Listen! Ha! And now you have hearkened, O Ancient Red. Your grandchildren have come to the edge of your body. You hold them yet more firmly in your grasp, never to let go your hold. O Ancient One, we have become as one. The woman has put her (x x x) soul into our hands. We shall never let it go! Yû!

(Directions.)--And this also is for just the same purpose (the preceding formula in the manuscript book is also a love charm). It must be done by stealth at night when they are asleep. One must put the hand on the middle of the breast and rub on spittle with the hand, they say. The other formula is equally good.

Explanation.
This formula to fix the affections of a young wife is taken from the manuscript sheets of the late Gatigwanasti. It very much resembles the other formula for the same purpose, obtained from A`yû'ninï, and the brief directions show that the ceremony is alike in both. The first four paragraphs are probably sung, as in the other formula, on four successive nights, and, as explained in the directions and as stated verbally by A`yû'ninï, this must be done. stealthily at night while the woman is asleep, the husband rubbing his spittle

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on her breast with his hand while chanting the song in a low tone, hardly above a whisper. The prayer to the Ancient One, or Ancient Red (Fire), in both formulas, and the expression, "I come to the edge of your body," indicate that the hands are first warmed over the fire, in accordance with the general practice when laying on the hands. The prayer to the Black Spider is a beautiful specimen of poetic imagery, and hardly requires an explanation. The final paragraph indicates the successful accomplishment of his purpose. "Your grandchildren" (tsetsûli'sï) is an expression frequently used in addressing the more important deities.

MISCELLANEOUS FORMULAS.
SÛnNÂ'YÏ EDÂ'HÏ E'SGA ASTÛnTI'YÏ.
Sgë! Uhyûntsâ'yï galûnlti'tla tsûltâ'histï, Hïsgaya Gigage'ï, usïnu'lï di'tsakûnï' denatlûnhi'sani'ga, Uy-igawa'stï duda'ntï. Nûnnâ'hï tatuna'watï. Usïnu'lï duda'ntâ dani'yûnstanilï'.

Sgë! Uhyûntlâ'yï galûnlti'tla tsûltâ'histï, Hïsga'ya Të'halu, hinaw?sü'?ki. Ha-usïnu'lï nâ'gwa di'tsakûnï' denatlûnhisani'ga uy-igawa'stï duda'ntï. Nûnnâ'hï tätuna'wätï. Usïnu'lï duda'ntâ dani'galïstanï'.

Translation.
TO SHORTEN A NIGHT-GOER ON THIS SIDE.
Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Red Man, quickly we two have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along the path. Quickly we two will take his soul as we go along.

Listen! In the Frigid Land above you repose, O Purple Man, * * * *. Ha! Quickly now we two have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along the path. Quickly we two will cut his soul in two.

Explanation.
This formula, from A`yû'ninïs' book, is for the purpose of driving away a witch from the house of a sick person, and opens up a most interesting chapter of Cherokee beliefs. The witch is supposed to go about chiefly under cover of darkness, and hence is called sûnnâ'yï edâ'hï, "the night goer." This is the term in common use; but there are a number of formulistic expressions to designate a witch, one of which, u'ya igawa'stï, occurs in the body of the formula and may be rendered "the imprecator," i. e., the sayer of evil things or curses. As the counteracting of a deadly spell always results in the death of its author, the formula is stated to be not merely to drive away the wizard, but to kill him, or, according to the formulistic expression, "to shorten him (his life) on this side."

When it becomes known that a man is dangerously sick the witches front far and near gather invisibly about his house after nightfall to worry him and even force their way in to his bedside unless prevented

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by the presence of a more powerful shaman within the house. They annoy the sick man and thus hasten his death by stamping upon the roof and beating upon the sides of the house; and if they can manage to get inside they raise up the dying sufferer from the bed and let him fall again or even drag him out upon the floor. The object of the witch in doing this is to prolong his term of years by adding to his own life as much as he can take from that of the sick man. Thus it is that a witch who is successful in these practices lives to be very old. Without going into extended details, it may be sufficient to state that the one most dreaded, alike by the friends of the sick man and by the lesser witches, is the Kâ'lana-ayeli'skï or Raven Mocker, so called because he flies through the air at night in a shape of fire, uttering sounds like the harsh croak of a raven.

The formula here given is short and simple as compared with some others. There is evidently a mistake in regard to the Red Man, who is here placed in the north, instead of in the east, as it should be. The reference to the arrows will be explained further on. Purple, mentioned in the second paragraph, has nearly the same symbolic meaning as blue, viz: Trouble, vexation and defeat; hence the Purple Man is called upon to frustrate the designs of the witch.

To drive away the witch the shaman first prepares four sharpened sticks, which he drives down into the ground outside the house at each of the four corners, leaving the pointed ends projecting upward and outward. Then, about noontime he gets ready the Tsâl-agayû'nlï or "Old Tobacco" (Nicotiana rustica), with which he fills his pipe, repeating this formula during the operation, after which he wraps the pipe thus filled in a black cloth. This sacred tobacco is smoked only for this purpose. He then goes out into the forest, and returns just before dark, about which time the witch may be expected to put in an appearance. Lighting his pipe, he goes slowly around the house, puffing the smoke in the direction of every trail by which the witch might be. able to approach, and probably repeating the same or another formula the while. He then goes into the house and awaits results. When the witch approaches under cover of the darkness, whether in his own proper shape or in the form of some animal, the sharpened stick on that side of the house shoots up into the air and comes down like an arrow upon his head, inflicting such a wound as proves fatal within seven days. This explains the words of the formula, "We have prepared your arrows for the soul of the Imprecator. He has them lying along the path". A`yû'ninï said nothing about the use of the sharpened sticks in this connection, mentioning only the tobacco, but the ceremony, as here described, is the one ordinarily used. When wounded the witch utters a groan which is heard by those listening inside the house, even at the distance of half a mile. No one knows certainly

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who the witch is until a day or two afterward, when some old man or woman, perhaps in a remote settlement, is suddenly seized with a mysterious illness and before seven clays elapse is dead.

GAHU'STÏ A'GIYAHU'SA.
Sgë! Ha-nâ'gwa hatû'ngani'ga Nû'nya Wâtige'ï, gahu'stï tsûtska'dï nige'sûnna. Ha-nâ'gwa dû'ngihya'lï. Agiyahu'sa sï'kwa, haga' tsûn-nû' iyû'nta dätsi'waktû'hï. Tla-`ke' a'ya a'kwatseli'ga. O O digwadâi'ta.

Translation.
I HAVE LOST SOMETHING.
Listen! Ha! Now you have drawn near to hearken, O Brown Rock; you never lie about anything. Ha! Now I am about to seek for it. I have lost a hog and now tell me about where I shall find it. For is it not mine? My name is ------------.

Explanation.
This formula, for finding anything lost, is so simple as to need but little explanation. Brown in this instance has probably no mythologic significance, but refers to the color of the stone used in the ceremony. This is a small rounded water-worn pebble, in substance resembling quartz and of a reddish-brown color. It is suspended by a string held between the thumb and finger of the shaman, who is guided in his search by the swinging of the pebble, which, according to their theory, will swing farther in the direction of the lost article than in the contrary direction! The shaman, who is always fasting, repeats the formula, while closely watching the motions of the swinging pebble. He usually begins early in the morning, making the first trial at the house of the owner of the lost article. After noting the general direction toward which it seems to lean he goes a considerable distance in that direction, perhaps half a mile or more, and makes a second trial. This time the pebble may swing off at an angle in another direction. He follows up in the direction indicated for perhaps another half mile, when on a third trial the stone may veer around toward the starting point, and a fourth attempt may complete the circuit. Having thus arrived at the conclusion that the missing article is somewhere within a certain circumscribed area, he advances to the center of this space and marks out upon the ground a small circle inclosing a cross with arms pointing toward the four cardinal points. Holding the stone over the center of the cross he again repeats the formula and notes the direction in which the pebble swings. This is the final trial and he fiow goes slowly and carefully over the whole surface in that direction, between the center of the circle and the limit of the circumscribed area until in theory, at least, the article is found. Should he fail, he is never at a loss for excuses, but the specialists in this line are

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generally very shrewd guessers well versed in the doctrine of probabilities.

There are many formulas for this purpose, some of them being long and elaborate. When there is reason to believe that the missing article has been stolen, the specialist first determines the clan or settlement to which the thief belongs and afterward the name of the individual. Straws, bread balls, and stones of various kinds are used in the different formulas, the ceremony differing according to .the medium employed. The stones are generally pointed crystals or antique arrowheads, and are suspended as already described, the point being supposed to turn finally in the direction of the missing object. Several of these stones have been obtained on the reservation and are now deposited in the National Museum. It need excite no surprise to find the hog mentioned in the formula, as this animal has been domesticated among the Cherokees for more than a century, although most of them are strongly prejudiced against it.

HIA' UNÁLE (ATEST'YÏ).
Yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi',
Yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi'--Yû!

Sgë! Ha-nâ'gwa hïnahûn'ski tayï'. Ha-tâ'sti-gwû gûnska'ihû. Tsûtali'i-gwati'na halu'`nï. Kû'nigwati'na dula'ska galû'nlati-gwû witu'ktï. Wigûnyasë'hïsï. Â'talï tsugû'nyï wite'tsatanû'nûnsï' nûnnâhï tsane'lagï de'gatsana'wadise'stï. Kûnstû' dutsasû'nï atû'nwasûtë'hahï' tsûtûneli'sestï. Sgë!

Translation.
THIS IS TO FRIGHTEN A STORM.
Yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi',
Yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi', yuhahi'--Yû!

Listen! O now you are coming in rut. Ha! I am exceedingly afraid of you. But yet you are only tracking your wife. Her footprints can be seen there directed upward toward the heavens. I have pointed them out for you. Let your paths stretch out along the tree tops (?) on the lofty mountains (and) you shall have them (the paths) lying down without being disturbed, Let (your path) as you go along be where the waving branches meet. Listen!

Explanation.
This formula, from A`yû'ninï's book, is for driving away, or "frightening" a storm, which threatens to injure the growing corn. The first part is a meaningless song, which is sting in a low tone in the peculiar style of most of the sacred songs. The storm, which is not directly named, is then addressed and declared to be coming on in a fearful manner on the track of his wife, like an animal in the rutting season. The shaman points out her tracks directed toward

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the upper regions and begs the storm spirit to follow her along the waving tree tops of the lofty mountains, where he shall be undisturbed.

The shaman stands facing the approaching storm with one hand stretched out toward it. After repeating the song and prayer he gently blows in the direction toward which he wishes it to go, waving his hand in the same direction as though pushing away the storm. A part of the storm is usually sent into the upper regions of the atmosphere. If standing at the edge of the field, he holds a blade of corn in one hand while repeating the ceremony.

DANAWÛ' TSUNEDÂLÛ'HÏ NUNATÛ'NELI'TALÛ'nHÏ U'NALSTELTA'`TANÛ'HÏ.
Hayï'! Yû! Sgë! Nâ'gwa usïnuli'yu A'tasu Gi'gage'ï hinisa'latani'ga. Usïnu'lï duda'ntâ u'nanugâ'tsidastï' nige'sûnna. Duda'ntâ e`lawi'nï iyû'nta ä'tasû digûnnage'ï degûnlskwï'tahise'stï, anetsâge'ta unanugâ'istï nige'sûnna, nitinû'nneli'ga. Ä'tasû dusa'ladanû'nstï nige'sûnna, nitinû'nneli'ga. E`lawi'nï iyû'nta ä'tasû ûnnage' ugûn'hatû ûnnage' sâ'gwa da`liyë'kû`lani'ga unadutlâ'gï. Unanugâ'tsida'stï nige'sûnna, nûnneli'ga.

Usïnuli'yu tsunada'ntâ kûl`kwâ'gine tigalû'nltiyû'nï iyû'nta ada'ntâ tega'yë`ti'tege'stï. Tsunada'ntâ tsuligalï'stï nige'sûnna dudûni'tege'stï. Usïnu'lï deniû'neli'ga galû'nlati iyû'nta widu'l`tâhïsti'tege'stï. Ä'tasû gigage'ï dëhatagû'nyastani'ga. Tsunada'ntâ tsudastû'nilida'stï nige'sûnna nûnneli'ga. Tsunada'ntâ galû'nlatï iyû'nta witë'`titege'stï. Tsunada'ntâ anigwalu'gï une'ga gûnwa'nadagû'nyastitege'stï. Sa`ka'nï udûnû'hï nige'sûnna usïnuli'yu. Yû!

Translation.
WHAT THOSE WHO HAVE BEEN TO WAR DID TO HELP THEMSELVES.
Hayï'! Yû! Listen! Now instantly we have lifted up the red war club. Quickly his soul shall be without motion. There under the earth, where the black war clubs shall be moving about like ball sticks in the game, there his soul shall be, never to reappear. We cause it to be so. He shall never go and lift up the war club. We cause it to be so. There under the earth the black war club (and) the black fog have come together as one for their covering. It shall never move about (i. e., the black fog shall never be lifted from them). We cause it to be so.

Instantly shall their souls be moving about there in the seventh heaven. Their souls shall never break in two. So shall it be. Quickly we have moved them (their souls) on high for them, where they shall be going about in peace. You (?) have shielded yourselves (?) with the red war club. Their souls shall never be knocked about. Cause it to be so. There on high their souls shall be going about. Let them shield themselves with the white war whoop. Instantly (grant that) they shall never become blue. Yû!

Explanation.
This formula, obtained from A`wani'ta, may be repeated by the doctor for as many as eight men at once when about to go to war. It is recited for four consecutive nights, immediately before setting

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out. There is no tabu enjoined and no beads are used, but the warriors "go to water" in the regular way, that is, they stand at the edge of the stream, facing the east and looking down upon the water, while the shaman, standing behind them, repeats the formula. On the fourth night the shaman gives to each man a small charmed root which has the power to confer invulnerability. On the eve of battle the warrior after bathing in the running stream chews a portion of this and spits the juice upon his body in order that the bullets of the enemy may pass him by or slide off from his skin like drops of water. Almost every man of the three hundred East Cherokees who served in the rebellion had this or a similar ceremony performed before setting out--many of them also consulting the oracular ulû'nsû'tï stone at the same time--and it is but fair to state that not more than two or three of the entire number were wounded in actual battle.

In the formula the shaman identifies himself with the warriors, asserting that "we" have lifted up the red war club, red being the color symbolic of success and having no reference to blood, as might be supposed from the connection. In the first paragraph he invokes curses upon the enemy, the future tense verb It shall be, etc., having throughout the force of let it be. He puts the souls of the doomed enemy in the lower regions, where the black war clubs are constantly waving about, and envelops them in a black fog, which shall never be lifted and out of which they shall never reappear. From the expression in the second paragraph, "their souls shall never be knocked about," the reference to the black war clubs moving about like ball sticks in the game would seem to imply that they are continually buffeting the doomed souls under the earth. The spirit land of the Cherokees is in the west, but in these formulas of malediction or blessing the soul of the doomed man is generally consigned to the underground region, while that of the victor is raised by antithesis to the seventh heaven.

Having disposed of the enemy, the shaman in the second paragraph turns his attention to his friends and at once raises their souls to the seventh heaven, where they shall go about in peace, shielded by (literally, "covered with") the red war club of success, and never to be knocked about by the blows of the enemy. "Breaking the soul in two" is equivalent to snapping the thread of life, the soul being regarded as an intangible something having length, like a rod or a string. This formula, like others written down by the same shaman, contains several evident inconsistencies both as to grammar and mythology, due to the fact that A`wanita is extremely careless with regard to details and that this particular formula has probably not been used for the last quarter of a century. The warriors are also made to shield themselves with the white war whoop, which should undoubtedly be the red war whoop, consistent with the red

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war club, white being the color emblematic of peace, which is evidently an incongruity. The war whoop is believed to have a positive magic power for the protection of the warrior, as well as for terrifying the foe.

The mythologic significance of the different colors is well shown in this formula. Red, symbolic of success, is the color of the war club with which the warrior is to strike the enemy and also of the other one with which he is to shield or "cover" himself. There is no doubt that the war whoop also should be represented as red. In conjuring with the beads for long life, for recovery from sickness, or for success in love, the ball play, or any other undertaking, the red beads represent the party for whose benefit the magic spell is wrought, and he is figuratively clothed in red and made to stand upon a red cloth or placed upon a red seat. The red spirits invoked always live in the east and everything pertaining to them is of the same color.

Black is always typical of death, and in this formula the soul of the enemy is continually beaten about by black war clubs and enveloped in a black fog. In conjuring to destroy an enemy the shaman uses black beads and invokes the black spirits--which always live in the west--bidding them tear out the man's soul, carry it to the west, and put it into the black coffin deep in the black mud, with a black serpent coiled above it.

Blue is emblematic of failure, disappointment, or unsatisfied desire. "They shall never become blue" means that they shall never fail in anything they undertake. In love charms the lover figuratively covers himself with red and prays that his rival shall become entirely blue and walk in a blue path. The formulistic expression, "He is entirely blue," closely approximates in meaning the common English phrase, "He feels blue." The blue spirits live in the north.

White--which occurs in this formula only by an evident error--denotes peace and happiness. In ceremonial addresses, as at the green corn dance and ball play, the people figuratively partake of white food and after the dance or the game return along the white trail to their white houses. In love charms the man, in order to induce the woman to cast her lot with his, boasts "I am a white man," implying that all is happiness where he is. White beads have the same meaning in the bead conjuring and white was the color of the stone pipe anciently used in ratifying peace treaties. The white spirits live in the south (Wa'halä).

Two other colors, brown and yellow, are also mentioned in the formulas. Wâtige'ï, "brown," is the term used to include brown, bay, dun, and similar colors, especially as applied to animals. It seldom occurs in the formulas and its mythologic significance is as yet undetermined. Yellow is of more frequent occurrence and is typical of trouble and all manner of vexation, the yellow spirits

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being generally invoked when the shaman wishes to bring down calamities upon the head of his victim, without actually destroying him. So far as present knowledge goes, neither brown nor yellow can be assigned to any particular point of the compass.

Usïnuli'yu, rendered "instantly," is the intensive form of usïnu'lï "quickly," both of which words recur constantly in the formulas, in some entering into almost every sentence. This frequently gives the translation an awkward appearance. Thus the final sentence above, which means literally "they shall never become blue instantly," signifies "Grant that they shall never become blue, i. e., shall never fail in their purpose, and grant our petition instantly."



NOW!!!! i must say i dont like this one but i'm putting it up anyway.



DIDA'LATLI'`TÏ.
Sgë! Nâ'gwa tsûdantâ'gï tegû'nyatawâ'ilateli'ga. Iyustï (O O) tsilastû'`lï Iyu'stï (O O) ditsadâ'ita. Tsûwatsi'la elawi'nï tsidâ'hïstani'ga. Tsûdantâgï elawi'nï tsidâ'hïstani'ga. Nû'nya gû'nnage gûnyu'tlûntani'ga. Ä`nûwa'gï gû'nnage' gûnyû'tlûntani'ga. Sûn'talu'ga gû'nnage degû'nyanu'galû'ntani'ga, tsû'nanugâ'istï nige'sûnna. Usûhi'yï nûnnnâ'hï wite'tsatanû'nûnsï gûne'sâ gû'nnage asahalagï'. Tsûtû'neli'ga. Elawâ'tï asa'halagï'a'dûnni'ga. Usïnuli'yu Usûhi'yï gûltsâ'të digû'nnagesta'yï, elawâ'tï gû'nnage tidâ'hïstï wa`yanu'galûntsi'ga. Gûne'sa gû'nage sûntalu'ga gû'nnage gayu'tlûntani'ga. Tsûdantâ'gï ûska'lûntsi'ga. Sa`ka'nï adûnni'ga. Usû'hita atanis'se'tï, ayâ'lâtsi'sestï tsûdantâ'gï, tsû'nanugâ'istï nige'sûnna. Sgë!

Translation.
TO DESTROY LIFE.
Listen! Now I have come to step over your soul. You are of the (wolf) clan. Your name is (A`yû'ninï). Your spittle I have put at rest under the earth. Your soul I have put at rest under the earth. I have come to cover you over with the black rock. I have come to cover you over, with the black cloth. I have come to cover you with the black slabs, never to reappear. Toward the black coffin of the upland in the Darkening Land your paths shall stretch out. So shall it be for you. The clay of the upland has come (to cover you). (?) Instantly the black clay has lodged there where it is at rest at the black houses in the Darkening Land. With the black coffin and with the black slabs I have come to cover you. Now your soul has faded away. It has become blue. When darkness comes your spirit shall grow less and dwindle away, never to reappear. Listen!

Explanation.
This formula is from the manuscript book of A`yû'ninï, who explained the whole ceremony. The language needs but little explanation. A blank is left for the name and clan of the victim, and is filled in by the shaman. As the purpose of the ceremony is to bring about the death of the victim, everything spoken of is symbolically colored black, according to the significance of the colors as already

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explained. The declaration near the end, "It has become blue," indicates that the victim now begins to feel in himself the effects of the incantation, and that as darkness comes on his spirit will shrink and gradually become less until it dwindles away to nothingness.

When the shaman wishes to destroy the life of another, either for his own purposes or for hire, he conceals himself near the trail along which the victim is likely to pass. When the doomed man appears the shaman waits until he has gone by and then follows him secretly until he chances to spit upon the ground. On coming up to the spot the shaman collects upon the end of a stick a little of the dust thus moistened with the victim's spittle. The possession of the man's spittle gives him power over the life of the man himself. Many ailments are said by the doctors to be due to the fact that some enemy has by this means "changed the spittle" of the patient and caused it to breed animals or sprout corn in the sick man's body. In the love charms also the lover always figuratively "takes the spittle" of the girl in order to fix her affections upon himself. The same idea in regard to spittle is found in European folk medicine.

The shaman then puts the clay thus moistened into a tube consisting of a joint of the Kanesâ'la or wild parsnip, a poisonous plant of considerable importance in life-conjuring ceremonies. He also puts into the tube seven earthworms beaten into a paste, and several splinters from a tree which has been struck by lightning. The idea in regard to the worms is not quite clear, but it may be that they are expected to devour the soul of the victim as earthworms are supposed to feed upon dead bodies, or perhaps it is thought that from their burrowing habits they may serve to hollow out a grave for the soul under the earth, the quarter to which the shaman consigns it. In other similar ceremonies the dirt-dauber wasp or the stinging ant is buried in the same manner in order that it may kill the soul, as these are said to kill other more powerful insects by their poisonous sting or bite. The wood of a tree struck by lightning is also a potent spell for both good and evil and is used in many formulas of various kinds.

Having prepared the tube, the shaman goes into the forest to a tree which has been struck by lightning. At its base he digs a hole, in the bottom of which he puts a large yellow stone slab. He then puts in the tube, together with seven yellow pebbles, fills in the earth and finally builds a fire over the spot to destroy all traces of his work. The yellow stones are probably chosen as the next best substitute for black stones, which are not always easy to find. The formula mentions "black rock," black being the emblem of death, while yellow typifies trouble. The shaman and his employer fast until after the ceremony.

If the ceremony has been properly carried out, the victim becomes blue, that is, he feels the effects in himself at once, and, unless

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he employs the countercharms of some more powerful shaman, his soul begins to shrivel up and dwindle, and within seven days he is dead. When it is found that the spell has no effect upon the intended victim it is believed that he has discovered the plot and has taken measures for his own protection, or that, having suspected a design against him--as, for instance, after having won a girl's affections from a rival or overcoming him in the ball play--he has already secured himself from all attempts by counterspells. It then becomes a serious matter, as, should he succeed in turning the curse aside from himself, it will return upon the heads of his enemies.

The shaman and his employer then retire to a lonely spot in the mountains, in the vicinity of a small stream, and begin a new series of conjurations with the beads. After constructing a temporary shelter of bark laid over poles, the two go down to the water, the shaman taking with him two pieces of cloth, a yard or two yards in length, one white, the other black, together with seven red and seven black beads. The cloth is the shaman's pay for his services, and is furnished by his employer, who sometimes also supplies the beads. There are many formulas for conjuring with the beads, which are used on almost all important occasions, and differences also in the details of the ceremony, but the general practice is the same in all cases. The shaman selects a bend in the river where his client can look toward the east while facing up stream. The man then takes up his position on the bank or wades into the stream a short distance, where--in the ceremonial language--the water is a "hand length" (awâ'hilû) in depth and stands silently with his eyes fixed upon the water and his back to the shaman on the bank. The shaman then lays upon the ground the two pieces of cloth, folded into convenient size, and places the red beads--typical of success and his client--upon the white cloth, while the black beads--emblematic of death and the intended victim--are laid upon the black cloth. It is probable that the first cloth should properly be red instead of white, but as it is difficult to get red cloth, except in the shape of handkerchiefs, a substitution has been made, the two colors having a close mythologic relation. In former days a piece of buckskin and the small glossy seeds of the Viper's Bugloss (Echium vulgare) were used instead of the cloth and beads. The formulistic name for the bead is sû'nïkta, which the priests are unable to analyze, the ordinary word for beads or coin being adélâ.

The shaman now takes a red bead, representing his client, between the thumb and index finger of his right hand, and a black bead, representing the victim, in like manner, in his left hand. Standing a few feet behind his client he turns toward the east, fixes his eyes upon the bead between the thumb and finger of his right hand, and addresses it as the Sû'nïkta Gigäge'ï, the Red Bead, invoking blessings upon his client and clothing him with the red garments of

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success. The formula is repeated in a low chant or intonation, the voice rising at intervals, after the manner of a revival speaker. Then turning to the black bead in his left hand he addresses it in similar manner, calling down the most withering curses upon the head of the victim. Finally looking up he addresses the stream, under the name of Yû'nwï Gûnahi'ta, the "Long Person," imploring it to protect his client and raise him to the seventh heaven, where he will be secure from all his enemies. The other, then stooping down, dips up water in his hand seven times and pours it upon his head, rubbing it upon his shoulders and breast at the same time. In some cases he dips completely under seven times, being stripped, of course, even when the water is of almost icy coldness. The shaman, then stooping down, makes a small hole in the ground with his finger, drops into it the fatal black bead, and buries it out of sight with a stamp of his foot. This ends the ceremony, which is called "taking to water."

While addressing the beads the shaman attentively observes them as they are held between the thumb and finger of his outstretched hands. In a short time they begin to move, slowly and but a short distance at first, then faster and farther, often coming down as far as the first joint of the finger or even below, with an irregular serpentine motion from side to side, returning in the same manner. Should the red bead be more lively in its movements and come down lower on the finger than the black bead, he confidently predicts for the client the speedy accomplishment of his desire. On the other hand, should the black bead surpass the red in activity, the spells of the shaman employed by the intended victim are too strong, and the whole ceremony must be gone over again with an additional and larger quantity of cloth. This must be kept up until the movements of the red beads give token of success or until they show by their sluggish motions or their failure to move down along the finger that the opposing shaman can not be overcome. In the latter case the discouraged plotter gives up all hope, considering himself as cursed by every imprecation which he has unsuccessfully invoked upon his enemy, goes home and--theoretically--lies down and dies. As a matter of fact, however, the shaman is always ready with other formulas by means of which he can ward off such fatal results, in consideration of a sufficient quantity of cloth.

Should the first trial, which takes place at daybreak, prove unsuccessful, the shaman and his client fast until just before sunset. They then eat and remain awake until midnight, when the ceremony is repeated, and if still unsuccessful it may be repeated four times before daybreak (or the following noon?), both men remaining awake and fasting throughout the night. If still unsuccessful, they continue to fast all day until just before sundown. Then they eat again and again remain awake until midnight, when the previous night's


programme is repeated. It has now become a trial of endurance between the revengeful client and his shaman on the one side and the intended victim and his shaman on the other, the latter being supposed to be industriously working countercharms all the while, as each party must subsist upon one meal per day and abstain entirely from sleep until the result has been decided one way or the other. Failure to endure this severe strain, even so much as closing the eyes in sleep for a few moments or partaking of the least nourishment excepting just before sunset, neutralizes all the previous work and places the unfortunate offender at the mercy of his more watchful enemy. If the shaman be still unsuccessful on the fourth day, he acknowledges himself defeated and gives up the contest. Should his spells prove the stronger, his victim will die within seven days, or, as the Cherokees say, seven nights. These "seven nights," however, are frequently interpreted, figuratively, to mean seven years, a rendering which often serves to relieve the shaman from a very embarrassing position.

With regard to the oracle of the whole proceeding, the beads do move; but the explanation is simple, although the Indians account for it by saying that the beads become alive by the recitation of the sacred formula. The shaman is laboring under strong, though suppressed, emotion. He stands with his hands stretched out in a constrained position, every muscle tense, his breast heaving and voice trembling from the effort, and the natural result is that before he is done praying his fingers begin to twitch involuntarily and thus cause the beads to move. As before stated, their motion is irregular; but the peculiar delicacy of touch acquired by long practice probably imparts more directness to their movements than would at first seem possible.

HIÄ' A`NE'TSÂ UGÛ'nWA`LÏ AMÂ'YÏ DITSÛ'nSTA`TÏ.
Sgë! Ha-nâgwa ä'stï une'ga aksâ'ûntanû'n usïnu'lï a`ne'tsâ, unatsâ'nûntse'lahï akta'`tï adûnni'ga.

Iyu'stï utadâ'ta, iyu'stï tsunadâ'ita. Nûnnâ'hï anite'lahëhû' ige'skï nige'sûnna. Dû'ksi-gwû' dedu'natsgû`la'wate'gû. Da'`sûn unilâtsi'satû. Sa`ka'ni unati'satû'.

Nûnnâ'hï dâ'tadu'nina'watï' a'yû-`nû' digwatseli'ga a`ne'tsâ unatsâ'nûntse'lahï. Tla'mehû Gigage'ï sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga. Igü'nyï galû'nlâ ge'sûn i'yûn kanû'nlagï uwâhâ'hïstâ'gï. Ta'line galû'nlâ ge'sûn i'yûn kanû'nlagï uwâhâ'hïstâ'gï. He'nilû danûtsgû'`lani'ga. Tla'ma ûnni'ta a'nigwalu'gi gûntla'`tisge'stï, ase'gwû nige'sûnna.

Du'talë a`ne'tsâ unatsâ'nûntse'lahï saligu'gi-gwû dedu'natsgû'`lawïsti'tegû'. Elawi'nï da'`sûn unilâtsi'satû.

Tsâ'ine digalû'nlatiyû'n Sâ'niwä Gi'gageï sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga, asë`gâ'gï nige'sûnna. Kanû'nlagï uwâhâ'hïstâ'gï nû'`gine digalû'nlatiyû'n. Gulï'sgulï' Sa`ka'ni sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga, asë`gâ'gï

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nig'esunna. Kanû'nlagï uwâhâ'hïstâgï hï'skine digalû'nlatiyû'n. Tsütsü' Sa`ka'ni sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga, asë`gâ'gï nige'sûnna.

Du'talë a`ne'tsâ utsâ'nûntse'lahï. Tïne'gwa Sa`ka'ni sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga, ige'skï nige'sûnna. Da'`sûn unilâtsi'satû. Kanû'nlagï uwâhâ'hïstâ'gï sutali'ne digalû'nlatiyû'n. A'nigâsta'ya sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga, asë`gâ'gï nige'sûnna. Kanû'nlagï uwâhâ'hïstâ'gï kûl`kwâgine digalû'nlatiyû'n. Wâtatû'ga Sa`ka'ni sâ'gwa danûtsgû'`lani'ga, asë`gâ'gï nige'sûnna.

Du'talë a`ne'tsâ unatsâ'nûntse'lahï, Yâ'na dedu'natsgû'`lawïstani'ga, ige'skï nige'sunna. Da`sûn du'nilâtsi'satû. Kanû'nlagï de'tagaskalâ'ûntanû'n, igûn'wûlstanûhi-gwûdi'na tsuye'listi gesû'nï. Akta'`tï adûnni'ga.

Sgë! Nâ'gwa t?skï'nâne'lï ta'tädü' iyû'nta a'gwatseli'ga, Wätatu'ga Tsûne'ga. Tsuye'listï gesû'nï skï'nâhûnsï' a'gwatseli'ga--kanû'nlagï a'gwatseli'ga. Nä'`nâ utadâ'ta kanû'nlagï dedu'skalâ'asi'ga.

Dedû'ndagû'nyastani'ga, gûnwâ'hisâ'nûhï. Yû!

Translation.
THIS CONCERNS THE BALL PLAY--TO TAKE THEM TO WATER WITH IT.
Listen! Ha! Now where the white thread has been let down, quickly we are about to examine into (the fate of) the admirers of the ball play.

They are of--such a (iyu'stï) descent. They are called--so and so (iyu'stï). They are shaking the road which shall never be joyful. The miserable Terrapin has come and fastened himself upon them as they go about. They have lost all strength. They have become entirely blue.

But now my admirers of the ball play have their roads lying along in this direction. The Red Bat has come and made himself one of them. There in the first heaven are the pleasing stakes. Therein the second heaven are the pleasing stakes. The Pewee has come and joined them. The immortal ball stick shall place itself upon the whoop, never to be defeated.

As for the lovers of the ball play on the other side, the common Turtle has come and fastened himself upon them as they go about. Under the earth they have lost all strength.

The pleasing stakes are in the third heaven. The Red Tläniwä has come and made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The pleasing stakes are in the fourth heaven. The Blue Fly-catcher has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The pleasing stakes are in the fifth heaven. The Blue Martin has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.

The other lovers of the ball play, the Blue Mole has come and fastened upon them, that they may never be joyous. They have lost all strength.

The pleasing stakes are there in the sixth heaven. The Chimney Swift has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated. The pleasing stakes are in the seventh heaven. The Blue Dragon-fly has made himself one of them, that they may never be defeated.

As for the other admirers of the ball play, the Bear has just come and fastened him upon them, that they may never be happy. They have lost all strength. He has let the stakes slip from his grasp and there shall be nothing left for their share.

The examination is ended.

Listen! Now let me know that the twelve are mine, O White Dragon-fly. Tell me that the share is to be mine--that the stakes are mine. As for the player there on the other side, he has been forced to let go his hold upon the stakes.

Now they are become exultant and happy. Yû!

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Explanation.
This formula, from the A`yûninï manuscript is one of those used by the shaman in taking the ball players to water before the game. The ceremony is performed in connection with red and black beads, as described in the formula just given for destroying life. The formulistic name given to the ball players signifies literally, "admirers of the ball play." The Tlä'niwä (sä'niwä, in the Middle dialect) is the mythic great hawk, as large and powerful as the roc of Arabian tales. The shaman begins by declaring that it is his purpose to examine or inquire into the fate of the ball players, and then gives his attention by turns to his friends and their opponents, fixing his eyes upon the red bead while praying for his clients, and upon the black bead while speaking of their rivals. His friends he raises gradually to the seventh or highest galû'nlati. This word literally signifies height, and is the name given to the abode of the gods dwelling above the earth, and is also used to mean heaven in the Cherokee bible translation. The opposing players, on the other hand, are put down under the earth, and are made to resemble animals slow and clumsy of movement, while on behalf of his friends the shaman invokes the aid of swift-flying birds, which, according to the Indian belief, never by any chance fail to secure their prey. The birds invoked are the He'nilû or wood pewee (Contopus virens), the Tläniwä or mythic hawk, the Gulï'sgulï' or great crested flycatcher (Myiarchus crinitus), the Tsûtsû or martin (Progne subis), and the A'nigâsta'ya or chimney swift (Chœtura pelasgia). In the idiom of the formulas it is said that these "have just come and are sticking to them" (the players), the same word (danûtsgû'lani?ga) being used to express the devoted attention of a lover to his mistress. The Watatuga, a small species of dragon-fly, is also invoked, together with the bat, which, according to a Cherokee myth, once took sides with the birds in a great ball contest with the four-footed animals, and won the victory for the birds by reason of his superior skill in dodging. This myth explains also why birds, and no quadrupeds, are invoked by the shaman to the aid of his friends. In accordance with the regular color symbolism the flycatcher, martin, and dragonfly, like the bat and the tlä'niwä, should be red, the color of success, instead of blue, evidently so written by mistake. The white thread is frequently mentioned in the formulas, but in this instance the reference is not clear. The twelve refers to the number of runs made in the game.

The Religion of the Luiseño Indians of Southern California, by Constance Goddard DuBois, [1908], at sacred-texts.com


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THE FLOOD. 286
There is a wonderful little knoll, near Bonsall, the Spanish name of it Mora, the Indian name Katuta; 287 and when there was a flood that killed all the people, some stayed on this hill and were not drowned. All the high mountains were covered, but this little hill remained above the water. One can see heaps of seashells and seaweed upon it, and ashes where those people cooked their food, and stones set together, left as they used them for cooking; and the shells were those of shell-fish they caught to eat. 288

They stayed there till the water went down. From the top of this hill one can see that the high mountains are lower than it is. This hill was one of the First People. 289







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Footnotes
157:286 Told by Lucario Cuevish.

157:287 Or Katuktu; see song records 395 and 398 above.—Katukto.—S.

157:288 The hills near Del Mar and other places along the coast have many such heaps of sea-shells, of the species still found on the beaches, piled in quantities.

157:289 See song record 398, above.

From where did Native Americans originate?
There are at least four conflicting beliefs about the origin of Native Americans:

Scientific belief: There had been, until recently, a consensus among scientists that prior to perhaps 9,200 BCE -- 11,200 years ago: The Western Hemisphere was completely devoid of humans.
Much of the world's water was frozen in gigantic ice sheets. The ocean levels were much lower.
The floor of the Bering Strait between Siberia and Alaska was exposed, forming a land bridge between the two continents.
Big-game hunters from Siberia were able to walk to Alaska. They would have turned south, spreading out through the Great Plains and into what is now the American Southwest. Within a few thousand years, they had made it all the way to the tip of South America.


Recent archaeological discoveries have convinced some scientists that people may have arrived far earlier than about 9200 BCE "in many waves of migration and by a number of routes." The Monte Verde site in Chile has shown that human habitation existed there 12,800 years ago, more than a century before the first evidence of habitation in North America and before a Siberian land bridge would have opened up. The migrants might have navigated the open seas. Alternately, they may taken smaller craft and hugged the coastline down what is now Alaska, British Columbia, and the western coast of the continental U.S. 3,4

Native beliefs: Many native tribes contest these theories: Some have oral traditions teaching that their ancestors have always been in the Americas. 5
Some believe that their ancestors emerged from beneath the earth into the present world through a hole in the earth's surface.


Many Natives find the suggestion that their ancestors migrated to North America only a few tens of thousands of years ago to be quite offensive. 6

Introduction
A quote from Native American Religions by Arlene Hirschfelder and Paulette Molin (Facts on File, New York, 1992, ISBN 0-8160-2017-5) is instructive:

".....the North American public remains ignorant about Native American religions. And this, despite the fact that hundreds of books and articles have been published by anthropologists, religionists and others about native beliefs......Little of this scholarly literature has found its way into popular books about Native American religion..." 1

Yet Natives culture and religion should be valued. They have made many contributions to North American society:

An awareness of concern for the environment.
Food staples such as corn, beans, squash, potatoes and sweet potatoes.
The design of the kayak, toboggan and snowshoe.
The original oral contraceptive.
Cultivation of cotton.
Over 200 drugs, derived from native remedies.

It is ironic that the wine that is the Christians' most sacred substance, used in the Mass to represent the blood of their God, has caused such a trail of devastation within Native populations. Meanwhile, the Natives' most sacred substance, tobacco, has caused major health problems for so many Christians.

The U.S. Census Bureau estimates that the population of American Indians and Alaska Natives, including those of more than one race, was 4.5 million as of 2005-JUL-01. 2 According to the most recent Canadian census, in 1991, there were 1,002,945 Canadians with North American Indian, Métis and/or Inuit ancestry. 10,840 Canadians are recorded as following an aboriginal spiritual path; this value is believed to be greatly under-reported.

"The culture, values and traditions of native people amount to more than crafts and carvings. Their respect for the wisdom of their elders, their concept of family responsibilities extending beyond the nuclear family to embrace a whole village, their respect for the environment, their willingness to share - all of these values persist within their own culture even though they have been under unremitting pressure to abandon them." Mr. Justice Thomas Berger, Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, (aka the Berger Inquiry), Canada.
"Rather than going to church, I attend a sweat lodge; rather than accepting bread and toast [sic] from the Holy Priest, I smoke a ceremonial pipe to come into Communion with the Great Spirit; and rather than kneeling with my hands placed together in prayer, I let sweet grass be feathered over my entire being for spiritual cleansing and allow the smoke to carry my prayers into the heavens. I am a Mi'kmaq, and this is how we pray." Noah Augustine, from his article "Grandfather was a knowing Christian," Toronto Star, Toronto ON Canada, 2000-AUG-09.
"If you take [a copy of] the Christian Bible and put it out in the wind and the rain, soon the paper on which the words are printed will disintegrate and the words will be gone. Our bible IS the wind." Statement by an anonymous Native American woman.


Development of Aboriginal culture:
Because of the wide range of habitats in North America, different native religions evolved to match the needs and lifestyles of the individual tribe.

Religious traditions of aboriginal peoples around the world tend to be heavily influenced by their methods of acquiring food, whether by hunting wild animals or by agriculture. Native American spirituality is no exception. Their rituals and belief show a blending of interest in promoting and preserving their hunting and horticulture.

The arrival of Europeans marked a major change in Native society. Millions died due to sickness, and programs of slavery and extermination. 1 Europeans and their missionaries looked upon Native Spirituality as worthless superstition inspired by the Christian devil, Satan. Many of the survivors were forcibly converted to Christianity. The U.S. and Canadian governments instituted policies to force Natives onto reservations and to encourage them to become assimilated into the majority culture. 2 During the middle decades of the 20th century, whole generations of children were kidnapped, forcibly confined in residential schools, and abused physically, sexually and emotionally. In Canada, these schools were operated on behalf of the Federal Government by the Roman Catholic, Anglican, United and Presbyterian churches. Both the government and these religious institutions have settled a multi-billion dollar class-action lawsuit. Claims against the Anglican Church were much greater than the Church's current assets. The was a concern for a while that the church might be forced into bankruptcy due to legal costs.

Native spirituality was suppressed by the U.S. and Canadian governments. Spiritual leaders ran the risk of jail sentences of up to 30 years for simply practicing their rituals. This came to an end in the U.S. in 1978 when the Freedom of Religion Act was passed.

Some suicidologists believe that the extremely high suicide rate among Natives is due to the destruction of their religion and culture by the Federal Governments. This suppression is still seen in the prison administrations; Canadian prisons have only recently allowed Native sweat lodge ceremonies; many American prisons routinely deny permission.

Natives today follow many spiritual traditions:

Many Native families today have been devout Christians for generations.
Others, particularly in the Southwest have retained their aboriginal traditions more or less intact.
Most follow a personal faith that combines traditional and Christian elements.
Pan Indianism is a recent and growing movement which encourages a return to traditional beliefs, and seeks to create a common Native religion.
The Native American Church is a continuation of the ancient Peyote Religion which had used a cactus with psychedelic properties called peyote for about 10,000 years. Incorporated in 1918, its original aim was to promote Christian beliefs and values, and to use the peyote sacrament. Although use of peyote is restricted to religious ritual which is protected by the US Constitution, and it is not harmful or habit forming, and has a multi-millennia tradition, there has been considerable opposition from Christian groups, from governments, and from within some tribes.



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Absorption of Native beliefs and practices into other spiritual paths:
Many Native people (some would say all traditional Natives) object to others incorporating Aboriginal beliefs, practices, rituals, tools, and traditions into their own spiritual paths. They find this assimilation to be particularly offensive when it is motivated by a desire for profit. It is seen as a horrendous desecration.

In a "Declaration of war against exploiters of Lakota Spirituality," three traditional Lakota spiritual leaders condemned:

"...having our most precious Lakota ceremonies and spiritual practices desecrated, mocked and abused by non-Indian 'wannabes,' hucksters, cultists, commercial profiteers and self-styled 'New Age shamans' and their followers."
Having their precious Sacred Pipe sold openly at flea markets, New Age stores, etc.
Profit-making groups holding sweatlodges, sundances, shaminism, and vision quest programs for the public.
Inaccurate and negative portrayal of Indian people in movies and TV.
Efforts to create syncretistic religions by combining Native rituals and beliefs with New Age and Neopagan spiritual paths. 3,4



Recognition of native tribes:
The Virginia Indian Tribal Alliance for Life (VITAL) is a non-profit organization, which supports the needs of six Indian Tribes of Virginia: the Chickahominy, Eastern Chickahominy, Monacan, Upper Mattaponi, Nansemond and Rappahannock. "The Commonwealth of Virginia formally recognizes eight tribes, whose ancestors and cultural connections can be traced directly to groups documented to have been living in Virginia in 1607 at the time of initial English colonization." However, although the U.S. federal government has recognized hundreds of tribes in the U.S., not one is from present-day Virginia. A major activity of VITAL is to seek this recognition. 5,6

THE FLOOD. 286
There is a wonderful little knoll, near Bonsall, the Spanish name of it Mora, the Indian name Katuta; 287 and when there was a flood that killed all the people, some stayed on this hill and were not drowned. All the high mountains were covered, but this little hill remained above the water. One can see heaps of seashells and seaweed upon it, and ashes where those people cooked their food, and stones set together, left as they used them for cooking; and the shells were those of shell-fish they caught to eat. 288

They stayed there till the water went down. From the top of this hill one can see that the high mountains are lower than it is. This hill was one of the First People. 289







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INITIATION CEREMONIES.
THE TOLOACHE CEREMONY. 7
The jimson-weed, Datura meteloides, in Spanish toloache, Luiseño naktamush, 7a 8 is one of the most imposing plants of Southern California. Its gigantic bluish-white bell-shaped flowers, opening towards evening and fading when the sun of the following day becomes intense, contrasted with the dull green leaves, attract the most casual notice, as they occur in waste spaces in field and roadside, growing by hundreds where conditions favor their increase. The plant is remarkable in the extent of its distribution. Undiscouraged by the intervening wastes of desert, it appears throughout Arizona as in California.

The roots of the toloache contain a narcotic principle which has a marked effect on the mind; and the taking of this is the center of an important ceremony. It is fifty years or more since the toloache ritual has been celebrated by the Luiseños; but for convenience the present tense is used.

At the time of the Mani, 9 the toloache ceremony, a big fire is lighted at the main place of gathering. They have two places, and the one where they actually give the toloache is at a distance from the other. The places are made ready in the day time, but the ceremony does not begin till evening. In the main place the sacred enclosure of brush, the wamkish, is built in a circle to about the height of a man. On the ground inside are placed the sacred ceremonial objects: the tamyush or sacred stone toloache bowls, large and small,—all but one which is to be used in the other place in drinking the toloache; feather head-dresses and eagle-feather skirts; and the paviut, the sacred sticks with flint in the end.





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The tamyush, which since the last celebration of the ceremony have been buried in the ground, in a place known only to the chief, are taken out in good time and freshly painted so that they look nice. They are painted red, white, and black. Of the sacred ceremonial objects the tukmul 10 is not in the main enclosure but at the other place. The tukmul is a flat winnowing basket sacred to the Chungichnish rites. It belongs to the men, that is, is possessed by every initiate, and during every ceremony is placed on the ground containing grain, the sacred stone pipes, or other objects.

When it grows dark the people gather at the main place. The chief has charge of the religious conduct of the ceremony; but to see to the correct performance of every part of it during the four or five days of its continuance, two officers, Paha, 11 are selected, with varied functions.

They must go around to the different houses to collect the candidates for the Mani, carrying some of the little boys who may be found asleep. One Paha is detailed to supervise the main place; the other, the place for drinking the toloache. By a well understood law no one is allowed to run around or make any noise. The Paha must be a hechicero, or shaman, of repute; and he could tell by looking at the mother of a boy whether she had been doing wrong in any way. No woman could be admitted to the ceremony who was unclean, unchaste, or menstruating.

It is dark in the place where they take toloache. The large tamyush selected for the purpose is placed on the ground before the chief. It contains the root, previously prepared and dried, perhaps a year before. 12 The chief pounds the dry scraped bark with the stone mano (muller or pestle) to the accompaniment of a curious recitative, not a song: "Chanyoko, yoko," while the boys stand waiting in the darkness. The powder is then placed in a small twined sifting basket 13 and sifted again into the tamyush,





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which is filled with water. The Paha goes about whispering: "Keep quiet all of you. Do not talk. Everyone keep quiet."

The chief superintends the drinking, and as the candidates kneel in turn before the big tamyush to drink out of it, he holds the head of each with the palm of his hand under the forehead, and raises it when they have drunk a sufficient quantity of the liquid, watching to see that they do not drink too much. They drink from the tamyush in which the toloache was mixed.

They give the toloache to the boys in the dark; and while it is being administered, the Paha goes over to the main place three times in succession, and the third time tells them to get ready, for Mani is coming. He sings a curious recitative.

The men and boys in this ceremony do not wear clothes. Before they start, each man takes charge of one of the boys who have partaken of the drink, and they stand and get ready. Now begins the marching song or recitative as they march to the main place, taking the boys along. The words of this recitative are: "Tamyush noya kwoya, Tamyush walks by twisting." 14 In the early days this tamyush, finely painted, out of which they drank toloache, when it was time to march to the main place, would walk along by itself. This was done with a twisting motion from side to side,—as a heavy barrel is moved.

Tukmul, the sacred winnowing basket, 15 would do the same thing. He would run by himself to the main place; so would the other sacred basket, piavala, 16 a small basket in the shape of an olla. These three, tamyush, tukmul, and piyevala, would have to stop three times on their way to the main place.

The dancers crawled in on their hands and knees, making the noises of birds and animals. They had some secrets about this, shamanistic power, and could talk in the language of these birds




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and animals, hawks and owls, and ravens and weasels. One could hear this but could see nothing. 17

Then they march around the fire, and dance singing the toloache song. The boys soon grow dizzy and fall down, and they carry them to the other place and leave them there, under the charge of some of the old people, until the toloache intoxication wears off.

After this come the dances and the Chungichnish songs, and sometimes new songs are composed at this time. Some of the old men have composed them to teach to the boys, and they dance all night long. At daylight they sing the song: "Tukaina wonipa," 18 which means to go off; and they march to the other place where they took toloache, where they remain during the day.

The boys cannot eat anything. The Paha watches to see that they do not eat more than two or three spoonfuls at most; but the others eat.

When night comes each man takes one of the boys to the main place; and before all the people these old men do magic tricks (Pl. 1) to teach the boys how to perform them. In the old days when they took Mani these people could do anything. They



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could put the feather head-dresses in the fire, and they would not be burned; and they could make the raven talk and everything was done as he said. They were so full of Chungichnish.

Not so very long ago, a shaman cut his tongue off, blood ran all over his breast, and he held it out so everyone could see. Then he put it back and it grew together again. This was while the Indians all lived where Trujillo's land is now. This spot was a prehistoric Indian village site, the author's camping place at Potrero.

In the same place at this time a shaman stood up and another one shot him with bow and arrow. The arrow went deep into his breast, and he vomited blood and fell down apparently dead. The people all began to cry when they saw him shot; but the second shaman pulled the arrow out, doctored him and blew on him, and he got up perfectly well and went on dancing.

One man named Turiyo threw his feather head-dress on the big fire that was burning. One could smell the feathers burn and everyone saw it. He walked around and began looking about and there was the same feather head-dress on the ground.

They would do these things when they got ready to put the fire out, singing the Chungichnish songs and dancing. They wore no clothes but the feather head-dresses and breech-cloths, but they were painted with white clay and black charcoal on their backs to protect them from the heat.

They put the fire out by witchcraft. They would have a very big fire, "as big as a house," and when they got ready to put it out several of the old men would jump right into the middle of the fire and stand there several minutes. You could smell the feathers burn and know that they were burning, but they would jump out again unhurt.

This was not so very long ago. Everyone knows about it. These were the things they taught the boys to do.

The Paha would superintend the putting out of the fire as he did everything else, calling out: "Come up to the fire. Don't be afraid. Don't shirk."

They put the fire out by pulling the burning logs out and stamping on them and putting them out by witchcraft. The chief would not let anyone come near with water, as the hot steam

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would burn. They would tramp with hands and feet, and had the Chungichnish sticks. In the early days they would not feel fire. 19

It is the men of the same village where the boys live who give them toloache; but the next day, perhaps, the people from another village will come; and their chief men will take the boys and teach them their ways and ceremonies, and dance all night long. The men that take the boys to instruct them will talk to them and tell them how they must behave. These men bring the dancing feathers, tukmul, and other objects belonging to Chungichnish. During the time they are teaching the boys and giving them presents of the feathers and objects, the fathers and mothers of the boys give back the same value in baskets and other possessions.

Then the instructors dress the boys in the feathers, paint them all over, give them the wonder-working sticks, and go home.

Next day the men of another village come and do the same thing, and so on for four or five days, different parties coming and going.

The boy has to fast from salt and meat for two or three weeks.

Then they use Wanawut, and the boys all jump. (The account of the rope ceremony is given below). If anyone should fail to do it rightly he would not live long. When he comes through this he is free. He joins Chungichnish. (The narrator stood and reverently pointed upward. "The spirit is always sent up.") They have Wanawut for long life, and the boys must believe in it, and obey the rules.

After the fasting is over, they make the sand-painting. (The description of this is also given below.) The instruction is then given in the proper rule of life for the initiate, the Chungichnish rule of life:

No one must eat immediately after rising. They must wait so long that their spirit may return to them from sleep, and then they can eat. In the same way they must not eat immediately upon their return from a journey among the hills. They must


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wait for their spirit to return to them. They must not eat before the old people have eaten, and no young person can eat the last of the seed or grain, the harvest of the previous year. This must be kept for the old. A boy may eat deer's meat when he has grown to the height of his father's shoulder and not before. They must eat sparingly and observe all these rules so that they will live long and have sons and grandsons to perform the ceremonies at their death and to burn their bodies. In the old days they lived to be so old that they became like little babies again, and would lie down and die of old age. Now they eat too much, and they have no rules for eating, and they die young.

They must be kind to the old and not turn their back upon a stranger when he comes to their house. They must not whip their children, for the spirits will be about and will steal their spirits away so that the children will die.

A bath must be taken every morning.

There were many other rules pertaining to the rites and ceremonies and the requirement of secrecy.

If any of the rules were disobeyed, Chungichnish would send the bear, mountain lion, or rattlesnake to bite, and stinging weeds to injure the transgressor. Sickness would come upon him. The earth would hear, and the sun would spy out the guilty by day and the moon by night.

Sage seed ground and mixed with salt is made into a lump, and with this the chief touches the forehead, shoulders, breast, knees, and feet of each boy in turn, telling him that whenever the sun rises he must make the sort of invocation used at this time, sending his spirit towards it,—in an indescribable sound, for which we have no word. Three times this is done,—Ugh-ugh-ha-a-a.

The lump of sage-seed and salt is then put into the mouth of the candidate, who bends over the sand-painting, kneeling before it with arms extended one on each side of it. He spits the lump into the central hole, which is then carefully covered by the old men, who obliterate the sand-painting by pushing it from the circumference towards the center. (See again the special account of the sand-painting below.)

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This ends the first part of the toloache ceremony. It is probable that a race was made by the boys and that a rock was painted as is described in the account of the ant-ordeal, and in the girls’ ceremony; but my authorities did not mention this here.

The chief has to take care of those who are under him, and he must save all he can in food and valuables and plan to finish the whole ceremony, notifying his people when it is time to burn the sacred enclosure, which is done four or five weeks later to end the Mani.

The sacred enclosure (Luiseño, wamkish or hotahish; 20 Spanish, casa grande) is made in a circular form of willow and other brush. The ceremony of burning it is performed in the day time. First the Paha takes the food collected by the chief and distributes it among the different houses to be prepared for eating; then when all is ready he brings it to the main place, where they have a feast.

Instead of burning the whole of the sacred enclosure, a part of the brush is taken from it and this is burned while they dance and sing the appropriate songs.

This ends the ceremony of Mani which came to the mountain people from San Luis Rey. They do not have it regularly, perhaps every two or three years. During the march which ends the ceremony the mothers of the initiated boys throw away baskets and other valuables among the guests.

The following comments on the toloache fiesta are by Salvador Cuevas: Mani was a training for boys. In it they were told how to act in all ways, to old people, to be kind to strangers, not to eat too much, so that they could run miles and miles, and could live long. They were instructed how to dance and how to perform the ceremonies.

Part of the ceremony Salvador hesitated to describe as it was too sacred to be told; but having confidence in me he was willing to do so if I would promise not to repeat it to the Indians. He was willing that I should give it to the white people.



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Footnotes
77:7 Based on an account given by the Luiseño informant Lucario Cuevish.

77:7a Vowels have the continental sounds, ai, au, ä, and ü being as in German. The letter x represents the sound of German ch or Spanish j. V, being bilabial in Luiseño, is much more like w than in English.—Ed.

77:8 Naktomush.—S.

77:9 Mani or pa’nish mani.—S.

78:10 Tukmul is given by Boscana as tucmel.—Tukmal.—S.

78:11 Paha’, manager of morahash dance and of mani.—S.

78:12 Among the Diegueños the juice is said to be expressed from the fresh root and mixed with water. Only a root growing towards the north is selected. The song used in this connection in Diegueño begins: "Choki, choki. "

78:13 University of California, Department of Anthropology, Museum number 1-10619.

79:14 University of California, Department of Anthropology, phonograph record 394.—Tamyush ngoxya (x German ch) kwoya, tamyush walked twisting.—S.—Dr. R. B. Dixon, in the Northern Maidu, Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, XVII, 137, 1905, says that the Shasta Indians of Northern California believe that certain mortars move of themselves, and describes their ceremonial use by the Maidu.—Ed.

79:15 University of California, Department of Anthropology, Museum number 1-10620.

79:16 Peyevmal; peyevla, a large storage basket.—S.

80:17 Lucario knows nothing about personal "totem animals" or guardian spirits with which this part of the ceremony was probably connected. Boscana's account of the connection of the guardian spirit animal with the toloache ceremony is so clear to the modern reader of his work as to be undoubtedly founded on fact; and at Mesa Grande it was possible to extract enough from some of the old men to be sure that the personal totem had long ago existed among the Diegueño Indians. Boscana says: "At the age of six, or seven years, they gave them a kind of god, as protector; an animal, in whom they were to place entire confidence, who could defend them from all dangers, particularly those in war against their enemies . . . . . That they might know the class of animal, which the God, Chinigchinich, had selected for their particular veneration, a kind of drink was administered to them, made from a plant called Pibat, [i.e., tobacco] which was reduced to powder, and mixed with other intoxicating ingredients. Soon after taking this preparation they became insensible, and for three days were deprived of any sustenance whatever. During this period they were attended by some old men or women, who were continually exhorting them to be on the alert, not to sleep for fear the coyote, the bear, the crow, or the rattlesnake might come; to observe if it were furious or gentle, and to inquire of the first that should come, what were its desires. The poor Indian thus intoxicated, without food or drink, suffering under delirium, beheld all kinds of visions; and when he made known that he had seen any particular being, who explained the observances required of him, then they gave him to eat and drink, and made a grand feast; at the same time advising him to be particular in obeying the commands of the mysterious apparition." (Op. cit., 270-1).

80:18 Tekaia wenepa: said to refer to the placing of the bones of Ouiot in a receptacle and pouring them into a hole in the ground.—S.

82:19 The Diegueños of Mesa Grande had a very wonderful stone, which was used in this ceremony of putting out the fire in the toloache fiesta. It was worn by the chief about his neck, and was placed upon the fire at the proper time to put it out by magic power. It was also used when red hot by the medicine men among their other deeds of wonder. They would hold it in their hands, lick it with the tongue, and so on.

84:20 Vanquech as given by Boscana, pronounced Vankesh, is closely allied to Luiseño wamkish, v and w being more nearly alike than in English. The Diegueño name is awa-iku.

Hotahish, brush enclosure at mani; wamkish, the space enclosed.—S.

WANAWUT, THE SACRED NET.
Wanawut, or Wanal Wanawut, 21 one of the First People born of the Earth-mother (fig. 1), is made of milkweed twine in the woven meshes of which three round flat stones, brought from the seashore, are inserted at intervals in a straight line. This was fastened with stakes in place in the bottom of a trench, and the men who laid it down must stand facing the north, since those who laid the dead Ouiot 22 down did so facing in that direction.


Click to enlarge
Fig. 1.—Wanawut as sketched by Salvador Cuevas.


Three days after the taking of the toloache the trench was dug and wanawut placed in it. The trench was about five feet long, fifteen inches wide, and twenty-eight inches or so in depth. According to Salvador Cuevas, a cross trench was dug to accommodate the arms of the figure which would thus be as long as the trench. According to Albañas, there was only one lengthwise trench, the figure, slightly different in shape, being small enough to be included within it. The latter is possibly the more modern form.

When the wanawut is laid down, the chief explains the sacred symbol and gives instruction to the boys in the things pertaining



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to the spirit. The boys, crouching with feet placed one on top of the other, spring from one of the stones to the other, holding and swinging by the sides of the trench and so out. If they are very small they are assisted in this by their "sponsors." The mothers stand by anxiously awaiting the result, for if a boy should slip and fall it would be a sign that he was not to live long.

Albañas explains more fully the symbolic meaning of this figure:

Wanawut is the symbol of the Milky Way, the Spirit to whom our spirits go when they die. Since the spirit cannot be seen, some symbol of it is required for the instruction of the candidates. This figure is shown to them and explained. Piwish, the Milky Way, was put up where he is as a sign that we are only going to live here for a little while. Death came from Ouiot; but when we die our spirit will be sent to Piwish Ahuta. This rises with Nükülish, Antares. The symbol wanawut was to remind the boys of the spirit. "This will hurt you if you do not obey—the ceremonial law." The main wanawut would be in the sky, but we do not see it. We send our spirits to it in breathing, groaning invocation.

The main idea connected with this object in regard to the spirits of the dead seems to be the wish to free them from the earth, to keep them from returning to it; to "tie" them to the four quarters of the sky; to send them to the Milky Way.

The Milky Way glows brilliantly in the clear atmosphere of Southern California. It is there a much more imposing spectacle than it ever appears to the dwellers in the east. The ethereal quality of it, its vague outline and uncertain luminosity, make it easily an object of veneration.

Wanal wanawut is a double term, wanal meaning an object of string for ordinary use, and wanawut the sacred symbol made of string to which the term for spirit is applied because it symbolizes the spirit. Whether the idea of "tying" the spirit to the four quarters of the sky, especially the sacred north, is the reason for this symbol formed of elaborately woven twine; whether the shape of the wanawut is in some resemblance to the human form, or to a portion of the Milky Way; whether the placing it in the trench signifies the depositing of the ashes in the grave; what the three

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stones mean; whether the jumping of the boys from stone to stone and out means the escape of the spirit from the grave;—all these and other suggestions of the same sort must be left to speculation as I have had no definite explanation of them.

It is probable that little is remembered of the instruction in the things of the spirit which was given to the candidate in the toloache ceremony; but it is certain that in the old days a definite and well understood system of religious thought existed among those who alone were entrusted with the complete knowledge of the sacred mysteries.


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Footnotes
85:21 Wanawut, object of twine used at puberty ceremony. Three stones were employed with it, but wanawut means the twine only. Wanal, a long net for rabbit drives; a seine for sea-fishing.—S.

85:22 See the creation myths given below.

THE SAND PAINTING.
The sand-painting was first done by Tukwut, Iswut, and Mesmal Awawit, 23 Mountain Lion, Wolf, and Sea Fog. They were people and great medicine men, and were the first to institute Mani. It was after Ouiot died that they made all the rituals and ceremonies.

The sand-painting was used in four ceremonies: Mani, the toloache ritual; Wukunish, the girl's ceremony; the ant-ordeal; and in Unish Matakish, 24 the ceremony for burying the feathers of a toloache initiate when he died. 25

Since my authorities differed concerning it, it was with difficulty that I obtained anything like a complete understanding of the sand-painting; and it was not until all my notes were collated and compared that I decided that the main reason for these differences was the fact that some of the old men were describing one form of sand-painting and some another; that those were wrong who maintained that the girls’ and boys’ sand-paintings were alike; that there were in fact two forms of which one only was distinctly remembered by most of them.

The only alternative is to imagine that different practices prevailed in this matter in the old days.

As all were agreed concerning the sand-painting used in the girls’ ceremony, this will be first described.




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A central hole is dug, and the sand removed from it is taken to make a heaped-up circle about two feet in diameter, the width of the heaped-up border being about three or four inches.

This circle is then painted by sprinkling it with different colored sands or ground paint and powdered charcoal. The outer. edge is made white, the middle red, the inner edge black.

The central hole is defined in the same way, white outermost, red in the center, black nearest the hole.

Three concentric circular rows of nine points each 26 are made pointing outwards from the central hole; the outermost row of points are white, the next circle of points red, those nearest the hole black.

A sand-painting was made for the author, which is shown in plate 2. For convenience in photographing it was done chiefly in white. The outer enclosing circle, however, shows the red and black.

According to one authority the three circles forming the circumference mean, the white outer one the Milky Way; the red central one, tukmit 27 the sky; the black inner one, chum kwinamul, 27 our spirit. According to another, the outer circle of white is the Milky Way; the middle of red, chum towi 27 our spirit; the inner of black, kwinamish, 27 the spirit. Another gives these as chum towi, chum wanamul, chum kwinamul, all meaning our spirit; the central one referring to the Milky Way, which he places in that position, making the white circle central and uppermost. Wanamul seems to include the stem which is found in wanawut, as if spirit and Milky Way were synonymous. 28

The sand-painting represents the world. The sky bending above is supposed to rest upon the circle of the Milky Way. The whole of the visible universe is thus represented.




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All the authorities but one maintain that there is a "door" to the north to allow the escape of the spirit. The informant who denies this has either forgotten, or he belongs to a line of descent, a 'clan,' in which the ceremony was modified.

The gate towards the north is shown in the photograph. The Earth-mother lies with her feet to the north. 29 Those who laid Ouiot on the funeral pile stood facing that way. All ceremonies and invocations are performed facing the north.

In the outer circle of points or diamond-shaped divisions, in the second one from the door, is a small circle of sand. This represents the sea, which according to one version of the creation myth, gives us the breath of life which fills our lungs.

In the next division is a small heap of sand; this is kawima hulwul, that is, the little hill of hulwul, 30 the sacred Chungichnish plant that grows on the hills, which punishes the transgressor; how, it is not known.

In the sixth division, counting in the same direction, is a larger hill combining the meaning of four Chungichnish avengers: sowut, hunwut, tukwut, iswut, that is, rattlesnake, bear, mountain lion, wolf.

In the middle circle of points, in the fourth division, there is another small heap of sand. This means mukil, boil or abscess, which is a Chungichnish avenger and sent to punish those who do not fast for the appointed time, or who secretly steal meat or salt during the fast.

The name of the sand-painting is eskanish tarohayish, a double name. Eskanish means any kind of images or figures, and after the habit of Luiseño double terms is qualified, as it were, by tarohayish which means this particular kind of image. It is also called nahish. 31

Into the central hole of the sand-painting, the girls spit the lump of sage seed and salt at the conclusion of the ceremony. In this hole also are buried the feathers of the toloache initiate




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after his death. The hole in this case must be made larger. In the girls’ sand-painting the hole is about four inches in diameter.

Salvador is the only one who gives a different sand-painting for the boys’ ceremony (fig. 2); the others think it differed only in being of a larger size.


Click to enlarge
Fig. 2.—Sand-painting for boys’ initiation as sketched by Salvador Cuevas.


Salvador is probably correct. He drew both for me on pieces of paper and explained them as well as he could. The circle in the boys’ sand-painting is about as large as a wagon wheel, and is divided in quarters, three of which are marked off by lines into nine divisions each; the fourth being empty except for the figure of a rattlesnake and three round figures meaning the flat baskets, tukmul, which belong to the men and are sacred to Chungichnish, being placed on the ground in every ceremonial, containing a little grain.

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The divisions of this painting are said to be in various colors, made with powdered yellow bark, white and red clay, and other paints, yellow, green, white, blue, and red.

This painting represents the earth, the colors symbolizing flowers, fields, and trees.


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Footnotes
87:23 Mesmal, mist, fog; awa’vit, fog.—S.

87:24 Yunish, burying of an initiate's ceremonial feathers; matakish, grinding stone.—S.

87:25 It will be seen that these are all connected with the idea of initiation.—Ed.

88:26 The design may also be imagined as consisting of nine pointed figures of the form of a Gothic arch, intersecting, and surrounding the central hole.—Ed.

88:27 Tukomit, night, also the first 'man' made by Kyuvish Ataxvish (x German ch); sky, tupash; Towish, spirit, corpse, cham-towi, our spirit. Cham-kwinamo, our spirit, root, or origin, from kwinamush, which really means root, and is used in speaking of the root of a plant or the origin of a person.—S.

88:28 To most California Indians the Milky Way is the spirits’ or ghosts’ road.—Ed.

89:29 Cf. Journ. Am. Folk-Lore, XIX, 312, 1906.

89:30 Kawimal hulval, hulval hill; hulval, Artemisia californica.—S.

89:31 Mr. Sparkman gives the same interpretation of eskanish and tarohayish. For nahish he has nawish, marking, writing, painting, from the verb nawi.

I have to agree with that 100%. Having been to virtually every part of the US, it is my opinion that there is no place for star gazing like the high deserts of southern California.

The Religion of the Luiseño Indians of Southern California, by Constance Goddard DuBois, [1908], at sacred-texts.com


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THE ANT ORDEAL.
Another almost prehistoric ceremony was that of Anut, 32 called Antish 33 or Tivihayish, used as a sort of supplement to the toloache initiation, as an education in courage, skill, and quickness for young men. It has been so long discontinued that it is impossible to obtain a complete description of it. It was not performed every year. Sometimes there were many candidates, sometimes very few.

The sand-painting was used in this ceremony, which is one of the four in which it was employed. The first night of the ritual they did not sing or dance; but they had something they whistled with all night long.

The chief would select the young men when they were old enough to endure the ordeal. It was done secretly in a place apart. A certain cone-shaped hill with rocks on top was one of the places where they used to perform it.

Early in the morning before dawn the youths would be taken into the house or sacred enclosure and given hot water to drink.

The chief had a basket in which he collected ants; and one by one the candidates were taken to the place prepared and made to lie down while the ants were shaken out of the basket and over their naked bodies with a certain sort of plant. To this a song was sung: "Toma no kwato."

After a time the ants were whipped from the body with nettles. When all was over, the sand-painting was made as in the toloache fiesta. The lump of sage seed and salt was also used in the same way. This implies that there had been a previous period of fasting. Invocation was made three times by the indescribable



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solemn groans and gestures; then the lump of sage-seed and salt was placed in the mouth of the candidate and spit into the central hole of the sand-painting.

A race was then made by the candidates, probably similar to the races made at the time of new moon; and the winner of the race painted the rock in the designated place, with red and black paint.

After this came the dances and songs of Anut, four or five of which are remembered, sung to the accompaniment of the ringing stones.

A ceremony for tattooing was somewhat similar, but no definite account has been obtained of it; and the songs belonging to it have been forgotten. They had a ceremony for it and would lay the person down in a certain place. Those who performed the tattooing were obliged to fast previously for a certain length of time.

Both men and women were tattooed. One of the old chiefs had a mark on his left wrist; another of the old men had the tattooing on his nose. The meaning of the marks could not be discovered.


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Footnotes
91:32 Anut, species of large red ant, regarding which there are songs.—S.

91:33 Antish, the action of lying on an ant hill and permitting one's self to be stung, which was thought to be beneficial; anti, verb, antish, action of same.—S.

THE CHUNGICHNISH CEREMONY OF UNISH MATAKISH.
The sand-painting was used also in the ceremony of Unish Matakish, 34 the burying of the feathers of a Chungichnish initiate.

When a man died who had drunk toloache in his youth, if he still had in his possession the feather head-dress, sacred stick, paviut, and other ceremonial implements, the chief of his "party" or clan would go and get these objects and bury them.

Many of the features of the toloache fiesta were repeated.

The chief calls the people, and gets out the tamyush and all the sacred objects. He cleans the tamyush—they are buried in the ground when not in use—and paints them and sets them all together. They have two places, as in the Mani. In one place they prepare these things; and in the other they make the sand-painting. This has a gap to the north, and the rattlesnake is


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painted near the gap. Tukmul, the winnowing basket, is represented in the painting, too. It is Chungichnish. 35

After everything is ready, the Paha calls out three times; and they come marching and singing a solemn recitative. The chief who made the sand-painting takes the feather head-dress, and the other things to be buried, in his hand, and goes ahead of the others as they sing the Chungichnish songs which mention the stones and sacred objects, always ending with tamyush.

They sing as they reach the main place where the sand-painting is. The feathers and objects are placed in the central hole of the painting, and are buried by pushing the sand slowly forward, obliterating the painting and filling the hole at the same time, to the accompaniment of a recitative invocation.

The Chungichnish songs, sung at this ceremony, are not subject to the law of clan ownership, but may be sung by all, as they do not belong to any one family or party. No one composed them. They were made and given by Chungichnish himself.

THE SHEPHERD AND THE DAUGHTER OF THE SUN
from "The Incas of Peru" by Sir Clements Markham, London, Smith Elder & Co. 1910 pp. 408-415.
IN THE SNOW-CLAD CORDILLERA above the valley of Yucay, called Pitu-siray, a shepherd watched the flock of white llamas intended for the Inca to sacrifice to the Sun. He was a native of Laris, named Acoya-napa, a very well disposed and gentle youth. He strolled behind his flock, and presently began to play upon his flute very softly and sweetly, neither feeling anything of the amorous desires of youth, nor knowing anything of them.

He was carelessly playing his flute one day when two daughters of the Sun came to him. They could wander in all directions over the green meadows, and never failed to find one of their houses at night, where the guards and porters looked out that nothing came that could do them harm. Well! the two girls came to the place where the shepherd rested quite at his ease, and they asked him about his llamas.

The shepherd, who had not seen them until they spoke, was surprised, and fell on his knees, thinking that they were the embodiments of two out of the four crystalline fountains which were very famous in those parts. So he did not dare to answer them. They repeated their question about the flock, and told him not to be afraid, for they were children of the Sun, who was lord of all the land, and to give him confidence they took him by the arm. Then the shepherd stood up and kissed their hands. After talking together for some time the shepherd said that it was time for him to collect his flock, and asked their permission. The elder princess, named Chuqui-llantu, had been struck by the grace and good disposition of the shepherd. She asked him his name and of what place he was a native. He replied that his home was at Laris and that his name was Acoya-napa. While he was speaking Chuqui-llantu cast her eyes upon a plate of silver which the shepherd wore over his forehead, and which shone and glittered very prettily. Looking closer she saw on it two figures, very subtilely contrived, who were eating a heart. Chuqui-llantu asked the shepherd the name of that silver ornament, and he said it was called utusi. The princess returned it to the shepherd, and took leave of him, carrying well in her memory the name of the ornament and the figures, thinking with what delicacy they were drawn, almost seeming to her to be alive. She talked about it with her sister until they came to their palace. On entering, the doorkeepers looked to see if they brought with them anything that would do harm, because it was often found that women had brought with them, hidden in their clothes, such things as fillets and necklaces. After having looked well, the porters let them pass, and they found the women of the Sun cooking and preparing food. Chuqui-llantu said that she was very tired with her walk, and that she did not want any supper. All the rest supped with her sister, who thought that Acoya-napa was not one who could cause inquietude. But Chuqui-llantu was unable to rest owing to the great love she felt for the shepherd Acoya-napa, and she regretted that she had not shown him what was in her breast. But at last she went to sleep.

In the palace there were many richly furnished apartments in which the women of the Sun dwelt. These virgins were brought from all the four provinces which were subject to the Inca, namely Chincha-suyu, ****i-suyu, Anti-suyu and Colla-suyu. Within, there were four fountains which flowed towards the four provinces, and in which the women bathed, each in the fountain of the province where she was born. They named the fountains in this way. That of Chincha-suyu was called Chuclla-puquio, that of ****i-suyu was known as Ocoruro-puquio, Siclla-puquio was the fountain of Anti-suyu, and Llulucha-puquio of Colla-suyu. The most beautiful child of the Sun, Chuqui-llantu, was wrapped in profound sleep. She had a dream. She thought she saw a bird flying from one tree to another, and singing very softly and sweetly. After having sung for some time, the bird came down and regarded the princess, saying that she should feel no sorrow, for all would be well. The princess said that she mourned for something for which there could be no remedy. The singing bird replied that it would find a remedy, and asked the princess to tell her the cause of her sorrow. At last Chuqui-llantu told the bird of the great love she felt for the shepherd boy named Acoya-napa, who guarded the white flock. Her death seemed inevitable. She could have no cure but to go to him whom she so dearly loved, and if she did her father the Sun would order her to be killed. The answer of the singing bird, by name Checollo, was that she should arise and sit between the four fountains. There she was to sing what she had most in her memory. If the fountains repeated her words, she might then safely do what she wanted. Saying this the bird flew away, and the princess awoke. She was terrified. But she dressed very quickly and put herself between the four fountains. She began to repeat what she remembered to have seen of the two figures on the silver plate, singing:

"Micuc isutu cuyuc utusi cucim."

Presently all the fountains began to sing the same verse.

Seeing that all the fountains were very favourable, the princess went to repose for a little while, for all night she had been conversing with the checollo in her dream.

When the shepherd boy went to his home he called to mind the great beauty of Chuqui-llantu. She had aroused his love, but he was saddened by the thought that it must be love without hope. He took up his flute and played such heart-breaking music that it made him shed many tears, and he lamented, saying: "Ay! ay! ay! for the unlucky and sorrowful shepherd, abandoned and without hope, now approaching the day of your death, for there can be no remedy and no hope." Saying this, he also went to sleep.

The shepherd's mother lived in Laris, and she knew, by her power of divination, the cause of the extreme grief into which her son was plunged, and that he must die unless she took order for providing a remedy. So she set out for the mountains, and arrived at the shepherd's hut at sunrise. She looked in and saw her son almost moribund, with his face covered with tears. She went in and awoke him. When he saw who it was he began to tell her the cause of his grief, and she did what she could to console him. She told him not to be downhearted, because she would find a remedy within a few days. Saying this she departed and, going among the rocks, she gathered certain herbs which are believed to be cures for grief. Having collected a great quantity she began to cook them, and the cooking was not finished before the two princesses appeared at the entrance of the hut. For Chuqui-llantu, when she was rested, had set out with her sister for a walk on the green slopes of the mountains, taking the direction of the hut. Her tender heart prevented her from going in any other direction. When they arrived they were tired, and sat down by the entrance. Seeing an old dame inside they saluted her, and asked her if she could give them anything to eat. The mother went down on her knees and said she had nothing but a dish of herbs. She brought it to them, and they began to eat with excellent appetites. Chuqui-llantu then walked round the hut without finding what she sought, for the shepherd's mother had made Acoya-napa lie down inside the hut, under a cloak. So the princess thought that he had gone after his flock. Then she saw the cloak and told the mother that it was a very pretty cloak, asking where it came from. The old woman told her that it was a cloak which, in ancient times, belonged to a woman beloved by Pachacamac, a deity very celebrated in the valleys on the coast. She said it had come to her by inheritance; but the princess, with many endearments, begged for it until at last the mother consented. When Chuqui-llantu took it into her hands she liked it better than before and, after staying a short time longer in the hut, she took leave of the old woman, and walked along the meadows looking about in hopes of seeing him whom she longed for.

We do not treat further of the sister, as she now drops out of the story, but only of Chuqui-llantu. She was very sad and pensive when she could see no signs of her beloved shepherd on her way back to the palace. She was in great sorrow at not having seen him, and when, as was usual, the guards looked at what she brought, they saw nothing but the cloak. A splendid supper was provided, and when every one went to bed the princess took the cloak and placed it at her bedside. As soon as she was alone she began to weep, thinking of the shepherd. She fell asleep at last, but it was not long before the cloak was changed into the being it had been before. It began to call Chuqui-llantu by her own name. She was terribly frightened, got out of bed, and beheld the shepherd on his knees before her, shedding many tears. She was satisfied on seeing him, and inquired how he had got inside the palace. He replied that the cloak which she carried had arranged about that. then Chuqui-llantu embraced him, and put her finely worked lipi mantles on him, and they slept together. When they wanted to get up in the morning, the shepherd again became the cloak. As soon as the sun rose, the princess left the palace of her father with the cloak, and when she reached a ravine in the mountains, she found herself again with her beloved shepherd, who had been changed into himself. But one of the guards had followed them, and when he saw what had happened he gave the alarm with loud shouts. The lovers fled into the mountains which are near the town of Calca. Being tired after a long journey, they climbed to the top of a rock and went to sleep. They heard a great noise in their sleep, so they arose. The princess took one shoe in her hand and kept the other on her foot. Then looking towards the town of Calca both were turned into stone. To this day the two statues may be seen between Calca and Huayllapampa.

VIRACOCHA AND THE COMING OF THE INCAS
from "History of the Incas" by Pedro Sarmiento De Gamboa, translated by Clements Markham, Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society 1907, pp. 28-58.
THE NATIVES OF THIS LAND affirm that in the beginning, and before this world was created, there was a being called Viracocha. He created a dark world without sun, moon or stars. Owing to this creation he was named Viracocha Pachayachachi, which means "Creator of all things." And when he had created the world he formed a race of giants of disproportioned greatness painted and sculptured, to see whether it would be well to make real men of that size. He then created men in his likeness as they are now; and they lived in darkness.

Viracocha ordered these people that they should live without quarrelling, and that they should know and serve him. He gave them a certain precept which they were to observe on pain of being confounded if they should break it. They kept this precept for some time, but it is not mentioned what it was. But as there arose among them the vices of pride and covetousness, they transgressed the precept of Viracocha Pachayachachi and falling, through this sin, under his indignation, he confounded and cursed them. Then some were turned into stones, others into other things, some were swallowed up by the earth, others by the sea, and over all there came a general flood which they call uñu pachacuti, which means "water that overturns the land." They say that it rained 60 days and nights, that it drowned all created things, and that there alone remained some vestiges of those who were turned into stones, as a memorial of the event, and as an example to posterity, in the edifices of Pucara, which are 60 leagues from Cuzco.

Some of the nations, besides the Cuzcos, also say that a few were saved from this flood to leave descendants for a future age. Each nation has its special fable which is told by its people, of how their first ancestors were saved from the waters of the deluge. That the ideas they had in their blindness may be understood, I will insert only one, told by the nation of the Cañaris, a land of Quito and Tumibamba, 400 leagues from Cuzco and more.

They say that in the time of the deluge called uñu pachacuti there was a mountain named Guasano in the province of Quito and near a town called Tumipampa. The natives still point it out. Up this mountain went two of the Cañaris named Ataorupagui and Cusicayo. As the waters increased the mountain kept rising and keeping above them in such a way that it was never covered by the waters of the flood. In this way the two Cañaris escaped. These two, who were brothers, when the waters abated after the flood, began to sow. One day when they had been at work, on returning to their but, they found in it some small loaves of bread, and a jar of chicha, which is the beverage used in this country in place of wine, made of boiled maize. They did not know who had brought it, but they gave thanks to the Creator, eating and drinking of that provision. Next day the same thing happened. As they marvelled at this mystery, they were anxious to find out who brought the meals. So one day they hid themselves, to spy out the bringers of their food. While they were watching they saw two Cañari women preparing the victuals and putting them in the accustomed place. When about to depart the men tried to seize them, but they evaded their would-be captors and escaped. The Cañaris, seeing the mistake they had made in molesting those who had done them so much good, became sad and prayed to Viracocha for pardon for their sins, entreating him to let the women come back and give them the accustomed meals. The Creator granted their petition. The women came back and said to the Cañaris--"The Creator has thought it well that we should return to you, lest you should die of hunger." They brought them food. Then there was friendship between the women and the Cañari brothers, and one of the Cañari brothers had connexion with one of the women. Then, as the elder brother was drowned in a lake which was near, the survivor married one of the women, and had the other as a concubine. By them he had ten sons who formed two lineages of five each, and increasing in numbers they called one Hanansaya which is the same as to say the upper party, and the other Hurinsaya, or the lower party. From these all the Cañaris that now exist are descended.

In the same way the other nations have fables of how some of their people were saved, from whom they trace their origin and descent. But the Incas and most of those of Cuzco, those among them who are believed to know most, do not say that anyone escaped from the flood, but that Viracocha began to create men afresh, as will be related further on. One thing is believed among all the nations of these parts, for they all speak generally and as well known of the general flood which they call uñu pachacuti. From this we may clearly understand that if, in these parts they have a tradition of the great flood, this great mass of the floating islands which they afterwards called the Atlanticas, and now the Indies of Castille, or America, must have begun to receive a population immediately after the flood, although, by their account, the details are different from those which the true Scriptures teach us. This must have been done by divine Providence, through the first people coming over the land of the Atlantic Island, which was joined to this, as has been already said. For as the natives, though barbarous, give reasons for their very ancient settlement, by recording the flood, there is no necessity for setting aside the Scriptures by quoting authorities to establish this origin. We now come to those who relate the events of the second age after the flood, which is the subject of the next chapter.

FABLE OF THE SECOND AGE, AND CREATION OF THE BARBAROUS INDIANS ACCORDING TO THEIR ACCOUNT
IT IS RELATED that everything was destroyed in the flood called uñu pachacuti. It must now be known that Viracocha Pachayachachi, when he destroyed that land as has been already recounted, preserved three men, one of them named Taguapaca, that they might serve and help him in the creation of new people who had to be made in the second age after the deluge, which was done in this manner. The flood being passed and the land dry, Viracocha determined to people it a second time, and, to make it more perfect, he decided upon creating luminaries to give it light. With this object he went, with his servants, to a great lake in the Collao, in which there is an island called Titicaca, the meaning being "the rock of lead," of which we shall treat in the first part. Viracocha went to this island, and presently ordered that the sun, moon, and stars should come forth, and be set in the heavens to give light to the world, and it was so. They say that the moon was created brighter than the sun, which made the sun jealous at the time when they rose into the sky. So the sun threw over the moon's face a handful of ashes, which gave it the shaded colour it now presents. This frontier lake of Chucuito, in the territory of the Collao, is 57 leagues to the south of Cuzco. Viracocha gave various orders to his servants, but Taguapaca disobeyed the commands of Viracocha. So Viracocha was enraged against Taguapaca, and ordered the other two servants to take him, tie him hands and feet, and launch him in a balsa on the lake. This was done. Taguapaca was blaspheming against Viracocha for the way he was treated, and threatening that he would return and take vengeance, when he was carried by the water down the drain of the same lake, and was not seen again for a long time. This done, Viracocha made a sacred idol in that place, as a place for worship and as a sign of what he had there created.

Leaving the island, he passed by the lake to the main land, taking with him the two servants who survived. He went to a place now called Tiahuanacu in the province of Collasuyu, and in this place he sculptured and designed on a great piece of stone, all the nations that he intended to create. This done, he ordered his two servants to charge their memories with the names of all tribes that he had depicted, and of the valleys and provinces where they were to come forth, which were those of the whole land. He ordered that each one should go by a different road, naming the tribes, and ordering them all to go forth and people the country. His servants, obeying the command of Viracocha, set out on their journey and work. One went by the mountain range or chain which they call the heights over the plains on the South Sea. The other went by the heights which overlook the wonderful mountain ranges which we call the Andes, situated to the east of the said sea. By these roads they went, saying with a loud voice "Oh you tribes and nations, hear and obey the order of Ticci Viracocha Pachayachachi, which commands you to go forth, and multiply and settle the land." Viracocha himself did the same along the road between those taken by his two servants, naming all the tribes and places by which he passed. At the sound of his voice every place obeyed, and people came forth, some from lakes, others from fountains, valleys, caves, trees, rocks and hills, spreading over the land and multiplying to form the nations which are to-day in Peru.

Others affirm that this creation of Viracocha was made from the Titicaca site where, having originally formed some shapes of large strong men which seemed to him out of proportion, he made them again of his stature which was, as they say, the average height of men, and being made he gave them life. Thence they set out to people the land. As they spoke one language previous to starting, they built those edifices, the ruins of which may still be seen, before they set out. This was for the residence of Viracocha, their maker. After departing they varied their languages, noting the cries of wild beasts, insomuch that, coming across each other afterwards, those could not understand who had before been relations and neighbours.

Whether it was in one way or the other, all agree that Viracocha was the creator of these people. They have the tradition that he was a man of medium height, white and dressed in a white robe like an alb secured round the waist, and that he carried a staff and a book in his hands.

Besides this they tell of a strange event; how that Viracocha, after he had created all people, went on his road and came to a place where many men of his creation had congregated. This place is now called Cacha. When Viracocha arrived there, the inhabitants were estranged owing to his dress and bearing. They murmured at it and proposed to kill him from a hill that was near. They took their weapons there, and gathered together with evil intentions against Viracocha. He, falling on his knees on some plain ground, with his hands clasped, fire from above came down upon those on the hill, and covered all the place, burning up the earth and stones like straw. Those bad men were terrified at the fearful fire. They came down from the hill, and sought pardon from Viracocha for their sin. Viracocha was moved by compassion. He went to the flames and put them out with his staff. But the hill remained quite parched up, the stones being rendered so light by the burning that a very large stone which could not have been carried on a cart, could be raised easily by one man. This may be seen at this day, and it is a wonderful sight to behold this hill, which is a quarter of a league in extent, all burnt up. It is in the Collao.

After this Viracocha continued his journey and arrived at a place called Urcos, 6 leagues to the south of Cuzco. Remaining there some days he was well served by the natives of that neighborhood. At the time of his departure, he made them a celebrated huaca or statue, for them to offer gifts to and worship; to which statue the Incas, in after times, offered many rich gifts of gold and other metals, and above all a golden bench. When the Spaniards entered Cuzco they found it, and appropriated it to themselves. It was worth $17,000. The Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro took it himself, as the share of the General.

Returning to the subject of the fable, Viracocha continued his journey, working his miracles and instructing his created beings. In this way he reached the territory on the equinoctial line, where are now Puerto Viejo and Manta. Here he was joined by his servants. Intending to leave the land of Peru, he made a speech to those he had created, apprising them of the things that would happen. He told them that people would come, who would say that they were Viracocha their creator, and that they were not to believe them; but that in the time to come he would send his messengers who would protect and teach them. Having said this he went to sea with his two servants, and went travelling over the water as if it was land, without sinking. For they appeared like foam over the water, and the people, therefore, gave them the name of Viracocha which is the same as to say the grease or foam of the sea. At the end of some years after Viracocha departed, they say that Taguapaca, whom Viracocha ordered to be thrown into the lake of Titicaca in the Collao, as has already been related, came back and began, with others, to preach that he was Viracocha. Although at first the people were doubtful, they finally saw that it was false, and ridiculed them.

This absurd fable of their creation is held by these barbarians and they affirm and believe it as if they had really seen it to happen and come to pass.

THE ANCIENT FREEDOMS OF THESE KINGDOMS OF PERU AND THEIR PROVINCES
It is important to note that these barbarians could tell nothing more respecting what happened from the second creation by Viracocha down to the time of the Incas. But it may be assumed that, although the land was peopled and full of inhabitants before the Incas, it had no regular government, nor did it have natural lords elected by common consent to govern and rule, and who were respected by the people, so that they were obeyed and received tribute. On the contrary all the people were scattered and disorganized, living in complete liberty, and each man being sole lord of his house and estate. In each tribe there were two divisions. One was called Hanansaya, which means the upper division, and the other Hurinsaya, which is the lower division, a custom which continues to this day. These divisions do not mean anything more than a way to count each other, for their satisfaction; though afterwards it served a more useful purpose, as will be seen in its place.

As there were dissensions among them, a certain kind of militia was organized for defence, in the following way. When it became known to the people of one district that some from other parts were coming to make war, they chose one who was a native, or he might be a stranger, who was known to be a valiant warrior. Often such a man offered himself to aid and to fight for them against their enemies. Such a man was followed and

his orders were obeyed during the war. When the war was over he became a private man as he had been before, like the rest of the people, nor did they pay him tribute either before or afterwards, nor any manner of tax whatever. To such a man they gave and still give the name of Sinchi which means valiant. They call such men "Sinchi-cuna" which means "valiant now" as who should say--"now during the time the war lasts you shall be our valiant man, and afterwards no": or another meaning would be simply "valiant men," for "cuna" is an adverb of time, and also denotes the plural. In whichever meaning, it is very applicable to these temporary captains in the days of general liberty. So that from the general flood of which they have a tradition to the time when the Incas began to reign, which was 3519 years, all the natives of these kingdoms lived on their properties without acknowledging either a natural or an elected lord. They succeeded in preserving, as it is said, a simple state of liberty, living in huts or caves or humble little houses. This name of Sinchi for those who held sway only during war, lasted throughout the land until the time of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, the tenth Inca, who instituted Curacas and other officials in the order which will be fully described in the life of that Inca. Even at the present time they continue this use and custom in the provinces of Chile and in other parts of the forests of Peru to the east of Quito and Chachapoyas, where they only obey a chief during war time, not any special one, but he who is known to be most valiant, enterprising and daring in the wars. The reader should note that all the land was private property with reference to any dominion of chiefs, yet they had natural chiefs with special rights in each province, as for instance among the natives of the valley of Cuzco and in other parts, as we shall relate of each part in its place.

THE FIRST SETTLERS IN THE VALLEY OF CUZCO
I have explained how the people of these lands preserved their inheritances and lived on them in ancient times, and that their proper and natural countries were known. There were many of these which I shall notice in their places, treating specially at present of the original settlers of the valley where stands the present city of Cuzco. For from there we have to trace the origin of the tyranny of the Incas, who always had their chief seat in the valley of Cuzco.

Before all things it must be understood that the valley of Cuzco is in 13° 15' from the equator on the side of the south pole. In this valley, owing to its being fertile for cultivation, there were three tribes settled from most ancient times, the first called Sauaseras, the second Antasayas, the third Huallas. They settled near each other, although their lands for sowing were distinct, which is the property they valued most in those days and even now. These natives of the valley lived there in peace for many years, cultivating their farms.

Some time before the arrival of the Incas, three Sinchis, strangers to this valley, the first named Alcabisa, the second Copalimayta, and the third Culunchima, collected certain companies and came to the valley of Cuzco, where, by consent of the natives, they settled and became brothers and companions of the original inhabitants. So they lived for a long time. There was concord between these six tribes, three native and three immigrant. They relate that the immigrants came out to where the Incas then resided, as we shall relate presently, and called them relations. This is an important point with reference to what happened afterwards.

Before entering upon the history of the Incas I wish to make known or, speaking more accurately, to answer a difficulty which may occur to those who have not been in these parts. Some may say that this history cannot be accepted as authentic being taken from the narratives of these barbarians, because, having no letters, they could not preserve such details as they give from so remote an antiquity. The answer is that, to supply the want of letters, these barbarians had a curious invention which was very good and accurate. This was that from one to the other, from fathers to sons, they handed down past events, repeating the story of them many times, just as lessons are repeated from a professor's chair, making the hearers say these historical lessons over and over again until they were fixed in the memory. Thus each one of the descendants continued to communicate the annals in the order described with a view to preserve their histories and deeds, their ancient traditions, the numbers of their tribes, towns, provinces, their days, months and years, their battles, deaths, destructions, fortresses and Sinchis. Finally they recorded, and they still record, the most notable things which may be expressed in numbers (or statistics), on certain cords called quipu, which is the same as to say reasoner or accountant. On these cords they make certain knots by which, and by differences of colour, they distinguish and record each thing as by letters. It is a thing to be admired to see what details may be recorded on these cords, for which there are masters like our writing masters.

Besides this they had, and still have, special historians in these nations, an hereditary office descending from father to son. The collection of these annals is due to the great diligence of Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui, the ninth Inca, who sent out a general summons to an the old historians in all the provinces he had subjugated, and even to many others throughout those kingdoms. He had them in Cuzco for a long time, examining them concerning their antiquities, origin, and the most notable events in their history. These were painted on great boards, and deposited in the temple of the Sun, in a great hall. There such boards, adorned with gold, were kept as in our libraries, and learned persons were appointed, who were well versed in the art of understanding and declaring their contents. No one was allowed to enter where these boards were kept, except the Inca and the historians, without a special order of the Inca.

In this way they took care to have all their past history investigated, and to have records respecting all kinds of people, so that at this day the Indians generally know and agree respecting details and important events, though, in some things, they hold different opinions on special points. By examining the oldest and most prudent among them, in all ranks of life, who had most credit, I collected and compiled the present history, referring the sayings and declarations of one party to their antagonists of another party, for they are divided into parties, and seeking from each one a memorial of its lineage and of that of the opposing party. These memorials, which are all in my possession, were compared and corrected, and ultimately verified in public, in presence of representatives of all the parties and lineages, under oaths in presence of a judge, and with expert and very faithful interpreters also on oath, and I thus finished what is now written. Such great diligence has been observed, because the facts which will be obvious on the true completion of such a great work-the establishment of the tyranny of the cruel Incas of this land-will make all the nations of the world understand the judicial and more than legitimate right that the King of Castille has to these Indies and to other lands adjacent, especially to these kingdoms of Peru. As all the histories of past events have been verified by proof, which in this case has been done so carefully and faithfully by order and owing to the industry of the most excellent Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, no one can doubt that everything in this volume is most sufficiently established and verified without any room being left for reply or contradiction. I have been desirous of making this digression because, in writing the history, I have heard that many entertain the doubts I have above referred to, and it seemed well to satisfy them once for all.

HOW THE INCAS BEGAN TO TYRANNIZE OVER THE LANDS AND INHERITANCES
Having explained that, in ancient times, all this land was owned by the people, it is necessary to state how the Incas began their tyranny. Although the tribes all lived in simple liberty without recognising any lord, there were always some ambitious men among them, aspiring for mastery. They committed violence among their countrymen and among strangers to subject them and bring them to obedience under their command, so that they might serve them and pay tribute. Thus bands of men belonging to one region went to others to make war and to rob and kill, usurping the lands of others.

As these movements took place in many parts by many tribes, each one trying to subjugate his neighbour, it happened that 6 leagues from the valley of Cuzco, at a place called Paccari-tampu, there were four men with their four sisters, of fierce courage and evil intentions, although with lofty aims. These, being more able than the others, understood the pusillanimity of the natives of those districts and the ease with which they could be made to believe anything that was propounded with authority or with any force. So they conceived among themselves the idea of being able to subjugate many lands by force and deception. Thus all the eight brethren, four men and four women, consulted together how they could tyrannize over other tribes beyond the place where they lived, and they proposed to do this by violence. Considering that most of the natives were ignorant and could easily be made to believe what was said to them, particularly if they were addressed with some roughness, rigour and authority, against which they could make neither reply nor resistance because they are timid by nature, they sent abroad certain fables respecting their origin, that they might be respected and feared. They said that they were the sons of Viracocha Pachayachachi, the Creator, and that they had come forth out of certain windows to rule the rest of the people. As they were fierce, they made the people believe and fear them, and hold them to be more than men, even worshipping them as gods. Thus they introduced the religion that suited them. The order of the fable they told of their origin was as follows.

THE FABLE OF THE ORIGIN OF THE INCAS OF CUZCO
All the native Indians of this land relate and affirm that the Incas Ccapac originated in this way. Six leagues S.S.W. of Cuzco by the road which the Incas made, there is a place called Paccari-tampu, at which there is a hill called Tampu-tocco, meaning "the house of windows." It is certain that in this hill there are three windows, one called "Maras-tocco," the other "Sutic-tocco," while that which is in the middle, between these two, was known as "Ccapac-tocco," which means "the rich window," because they say that it was ornamented with gold and other treasures. From the window called "Maras-tocco" came forth, without parentage, a tribe of Indians called Maras. There are still some of them in Cuzco. From the "Sutic-tocco" came Indians called Tampus, who settled round the same hill, and there are also men of this lineage still in Cuzco. From the chief window of "Ccapac-tocco," came four men and four women, called brethren. These knew no father nor mother, beyond the story they told that they were created and came out of the said window by order of Ticci Viracocha, and they declared that Viracocha created them to be lords. For this reason they took the name of Inca, which is the same as lord. They took "Ccapac" as an additional name because they came out of the window "Ccapac-tocco," which means "rich," although afterwards they used this term to denote the chief lord over many.

The names of the eight brethren were as follows: The eldest of the men, and the one with the most authority was named Manco Ccapac, the second Ayar Auca, the third Ayar Cachi, the fourth Ayar Uchu. Of the women the eldest was called Mama Occlo, the second Mama Huaco, the third Mama Ipacura, or, as others say, Mama Cura, the fourth Mama Raua.

The eight brethren, called Incas, said--"We are born strong and wise, and with the people who will here join us, we shall be powerful. We will go forth from this place to seek fertile lands and when we find them we will subjugate the people and take the lands, making war on all those who do not receive us as their lords." This, as they relate, was said by Mama Huaco, one of the women, who was fierce and cruel. Manco Ccapac, her brother, was also cruel and atrocious. This being agreed upon between the eight, they began to move the people who lived near the hill, putting it to them that their reward would be to become rich and to receive the lands and estates of those who were conquered and subjugated. For these objects they moved ten tribes or ayllus, which means among these barbarians "lineages" or "parties"; the names of which are as follows:

I. Chauin Cuzco Ayllu of the lineage of Ayar Cachi, of which there are still some in Cuzco, the chiefs being Martin Chucumbi, and Don Diego Huaman Paucar.

II. Arayraca Ayllu Cuzco-Callan. At present there are of this ayllu Juan Pizarro Yupanqui, Don Francisco Quispi, Alonso Tarma Yupanqui of the lineage of Ayar Uchu.

III. Tarpuntay Ayllu. Of this there are now some in Cuzco.

IV. Huacaytaqui Ayllu. Some still living in Cuzco.

V. Sañoc Ayllu. Some still in Cuzco. The above five lineages are Hanan-Cuzco, which means the party of Upper Cuzco.

VI. Sutic-Tocco Ayllu is the lineage which came out of one of the windows called "Sutic-Tocco," as has been before explained. Of these there are still some in Cuzco, the chiefs being Don Francisco Avca Micho Avri Sutic, and Don Alonso Hualpa.

VII. Maras Ayllu. These are of the men who came forth from the window "Maras-Tocco." There are some of these now in Cuzco, the chiefs being Don Alonso Llama Oca, and Don Gonzalo Ampura Llama Oca.

VIII. Cuycusa Ayllu. Of these there are still some in Cuzco, the chief being Cristoval Acllari.

IX. Masca Ayllu. Of this there is in Cuzco, Juan Quispi.

X. Oro Ayllu. Of this lineage is Don Pedro Yucay.

I say that all these ayllus have preserved their records in such a way that the memory of them has not been lost. There are more of them than are given above, for I only insert the chiefs who are the protectors and heads of the lineages, under whose guidance they are preserved. Each chief has the duty and obligation to protect the rest, and to know the history of his ancestors. Although I say that these live in Cuzco, the truth is that they are in a suburb of the city which the Indians call Cayocache and which is known to us as Belem, from the church of that parish which is that of our Lady of Belem.

Returning to our subject, all these followers above-mentioned marched with Manco Ccapac and the other brethren to seek for land (and to tyrannize over those who did no harm to them, nor gave them any excuse for war, and without any right or title beyond what has been stated). To be prepared for war they chose for their leaders Manco Ccapac and Mama Huaco, and with this arrangement the companies of the hill of Tampu-tocco set out, to put their design into execution.

THE ROAD WHICH THESE COMPANIES OF THE INCAS TOOK TO THE VALLEY OF CUZCO, AND OF THE FABLES WHICH ARE MIXED WITH THEIR HISTORY
The Incas and the rest of the companies or ayllus set out from their homes at Tampu-tocco, taking with them their property and arms, in sufficient numbers to form a good squadron, having for their chiefs the said Manco Ccapac and Mama Huaco.

Manco Ccapac took with him a bird like a falcon, called indi, which they all worshipped and feared as a sacred, or, as some say, an enchanted thing, for they thought that this bird made Manco Ccapac their lord and obliged the people to follow him. It was thus that Manco Ccapac gave them to understand, and it was always kept in a covered hamper of straw, like a box, with much care. He left it as an heirloom to his son, and the Incas had it down to the time of Inca Yupanqui. In his hand he carried with him a staff of gold, to test the lands which they would come to.

Marching together they came to a place called Huanacancha, four leagues from the valley of Cuzco, where they remained for some time, sowing and seeking for fertile land. Here Manco Ccapac had connection with his sister Mama Occlo, and she became pregnant by him. As this place did not appear able to sustain them, being barren, they advanced to another place called Tampu-quiro, where Mama Occlo begot a son named Sinchi Rocca. Having celebrated the natal feasts of the infant, they set out in search of fertile land, and came to another place called Pallata, which is almost contiguous to Tampu-quiro, and there they remained for some years.

Not content with this land, they came to another called Hays-quisro, a quarter of a league further on. Here they consulted together over what ought to be done respecting their journey, and over the best way of getting rid of Ayar Cachi, one of the four brothers. Ayar Cachi was fierce and strong, and very dexterous with the sling. He committed great cruelties and was oppressive both among the natives of the places they passed, and among his own people. The other brothers were afraid that the conduct of Ayar Cachi would cause their companies to disband and desert, and that they would be left alone. As Manco Ccapac was prudent, he concurred with the opinion of the others that they should secure their object by deceit. They called Ayar Cachi and said to him, "Brother! Know that in Ccapac-tocco we have forgotten the golden vases called tupac-cusi, and certain seeds, and the napa, which is our principal ensign of sovereignty." The napa is a sheep of the country, the colour white, with a red body cloth, on the top ear-rings of gold, and on the breast a plate with red badges such as was worn by rich Incas when they went abroad; carried in front of all on a pole with a cross of plumes of feathers. This was called suntur-paucar. They said that it would be for the good of all, if he would go back and fetch them. When Ayar Cachi refused to return, his sister Mama Huaco, raising her foot, rebuked him with furious words, saying, "How is it that there should be such cowardice in so strong a youth as you are? Get ready for the journey, and do not fail to go to Tampu-tocco, and do what you are ordered." Ayar Cachi was shamed by these words. He obeyed and started to carry out his orders. They gave him, as a companion, one of those who had come with them, named Tampu-chacay, to whom they gave secret orders to kill Ayar Cachi at Tampu-tocco, and not to return with him. With these orders they both arrived at Tampu-tocco. They had scarcely arrived when Ayar Cachi entered through the window Ccapac-tocco, to get the things for which he had been sent. He was no sooner inside than Tampu-chacay, with great celerity, put a rock against the opening of the window and sat upon it, that Ayar Cachi might remain inside and die there. When Ayar Cachi turned to the opening and found it closed he understood the treason of which the traitor Tampu-chacay had been guilty, and determined to get out if it was possible, to take vengeance. To force an opening he used such force and shouted so loud that he made the mountain tremble. With a loud voice he spoke these words to Tampu-chacay, "Thou traitor! thou who hast done me so much harm, thinkest thou to convey the news of my mortal imprisonment? That shall, never happen. For thy treason thou shalt remain outside, turned into a stone." So it was done, and to this day they show the stone on one side of the window Ccapac-tocco. Turn we now to the seven brethren who had remained at Hays-quisro. The death of Ayar Cachi being known, they were very sorry for what they had done, for, as he was valiant, they regretted much to be without him when the time came to make war on any one. So they mourned for him. This Ayar Cachi was so dexterous with a sling and so strong that with each shot he pulled down a mountain and filled up a ravine. They say that the ravines, which we now see on their line of march, were made by Ayar Cachi in hurling stones.

The seven Incas and their companions left this place, and came to another called Quirirmanta at the foot of a hill which was afterwards called Huanacauri. In this place they consulted together how they should divide the duties of the enterprise amongst themselves, so that there should be distinctions between them. They agreed that as Manco Ccapac had had a child by his sister, they should be married and have children to continue the lineage, and that he should be the leader. Ayar Uchu was to remain as a huaca for the sake of religion. Ayar Auca, from the position they should select, was to take possession of the land set apart for him to people.

Leaving this place they came to a hill at a distance of two leagues, a little more or less, from Cuzco. Ascending the hill they saw a rainbow, which the natives call huanacauri. Holding it to be a fortunate sign, Manco Ccapac said: "Take this for a sign that the world will not be destroyed by water. We shall arrive and from hence we shall select where we shall found our city." Then, first casting lots, they saw that the signs were good for doing so, and for exploring the land from that point and becoming lords of it. Before they got to the height where the rainbow was, they saw a huaca which was a place of worship in human shape, near the rainbow. They determined among themselves to seize it and take it away from there. Ayar Uchu offered himself to go to it, for they said that he was very like it. When Ayar Uchu came to the statue or huaca, with great courage he sat upon it, asking it what it did there. At these words the huaca turned its head to see who spoke, but, owing to the weight upon it, it could not see. Presently, when Ayar Uchu wanted to get off he was not able, for he found that the soles of his feet were fastened to the shoulders of the huaca. The six brethren, seeing that he was a prisoner, came to succour him. But Ayar Uchu, finding himself thus transformed, and that his brethren could not release him, said to them--"O Brothers, an evil work you have wrought for me. It was for your sakes that I came where I must remain for ever, apart from your company. Go! go! happy brethren. I announce to you that you will be great lords. I, therefore, pray that in recognition of the desire I have always had to please you, you will honour and venerate me in all your festivals and ceremonies, and that I shall be the first to whom you make offerings. For I remain here for your sakes. When you celebrate the huarachico (which is the arming of the sons as knights) you shall adore me as their father, for I shall remain here for ever." Manco Ccapac answered that he would do so, for that it was his will and that it should be so ordered. Ayar Uchu promised for the youths that he would bestow on them the gifts of valour, nobility, and knighthood, and with these last words he remained, turned into stone. They constituted him the huaca of the Incas, giving it the name of Ayar Uchu Huanacauri. And so it always was, until the arrival of the Spaniards, the most venerated huaca, and the one that received the most offerings of any in the kingdom. Here the Incas went to arm the young knights until about twenty years ago, when the Christians abolished this ceremony. It was religiously done, because there were many abuses and idolatrous practices, offensive and contrary to the ordinances of God our Lord.

ENTRY OF THE INCAS INTO THE VALLEY OF CUZCO, AND THE FABLES THEY RELATE CONCERNING IT
The six brethren were sad at the loss of Ayar Uchu, and at the loss of Ayar Cachi; and, owing to the death of Ayar Cachi, those of the lineage of the Incas, from that time to this day, always fear to go to Tampu-tocco, lest they should have to remain there like Ayar Cachi.

They went down to the foot of the hill, whence they began their entry into the valley of Cuzco, arriving at a place called Matahua, where they stopped and built huts, intending to remain there some time. Here they armed as knight the son of Manco Ccapac and of Mama Occlo, named Sinchi Rocca, and they bored his ears, a ceremony which is called huarachico, being the insignia of his knighthood and nobility, like the custom known among ourselves. On this occasion they indulged in great rejoicings, drinking for many days, and at intervals mourning for the loss of their brother Ayar Uchu. It was here that they invented the mourning sound for the dead, like the cooing of a dove. Then they performed the dance called Ccapac Raymi, a ceremony of the royal or great lords. It is danced, in long purple robes, at the ceremonies they call quicochico, which is when girls come to maturity, and the huarachico, when they pierce the ears of the Incas, and the rutuchico, when the Inca's hair is cut the first time, and the ayuscay, which is when a child is born, and they drink continuously for four or five days.

After this they were in Matahua for two years, waiting to pass on to the upper valley to seek good and fertile land. Mama Huaco, who was very strong and dexterous, took two wands of gold and hurled them towards the north. One fell, at two shots of an arquebus, into a ploughed field called Colcapampa and did not drive in well, the soil being loose and not terraced. By this they knew that the soil was not fertile. The other went further, to near Cuzco, and fixed well in the territory called Huanay-pata, where they knew the land to be fertile. Others say that this proof was made by Manco Ccapac with the staff of gold which he carried himself, and that thus they knew of the fertility of the land, when the staff sunk in the land called Huanay-pata, two shots of an arquebus from Cuzco. They knew the crust of the soil to be rich and close, so that it could only be broken by using much force.

Let it be by one way or the other, for all agree that they went trying the land with a pole or staff until they arrived at this Huanay-pata, when they were satisfied. They were sure of its fertility, because after sowing perpetually, it always yielded abundantly, giving more the more it was sown. They determined to usurp that land by force, in spite of the natural owners, and to do with it as they chose. So they returned to Matahua.

From that place Manco Ccapac saw a heap of stones near the site of the present monastery of Santo Domingo at Cuzco. Pointing it out to his brother Ayar Auca, he said, "Brother! you remember how it was arranged between us, that you should go to take possession of the land where we are to settle. Well! look at that stone." Pointing out the stone he continued, "Go thither flying," for they say that Ayar Auca had developed some wings, "and seating yourself there, take possession of land seen from that heap of stones. We will presently come to settle and reside." When Ayar Auca heard the words of his brother, he opened his wings and flew to that place which Manco Ccapac had pointed out. Seating himself there, he was presently turned into stone, and was made the stone of possession. In the ancient language of this valley the heap was called cozco, whence that site has had the name of Cuzco to this day. From this circumstance the Incas had a proverb which said, "Ayar Auca cuzco huanca," or, "Ayar Auca a heap of marble." Others say that Manco Ccapac gave the name of Cuzco because he wept in that place where he buried his brother Ayar Cachi. Owing to his sorrow and to the fertility, he gave that name which in the ancient language of that time signified sad as well as fertile. The first version must be the correct one because Ayar Cachi was not buried at Cuzco, having died at Ccapac-tocco as has been narrated before. And this is generally affirmed by Incas and natives.

Five brethren only remaining, namely Manco Ccapac, and the four sisters, and Manco Ccapac being the only surviving brother out of four, they presently resolved to advance to where Ayar Auca had taken possession. Manco Ccapac first gave to his son Sinchi Rocca a wife named Mama Cuca, of the lineage of Sañu, daughter of a Sinchi named Sitic-huaman, by whom he afterwards had a son named Sapaca. He also instituted the sacrifice called capa cocha, which is the immolation of two male and two female infants before the idol Huanacauri, at the time when the Incas were armed as knights. These things being arranged, he ordered the companies to follow him to the place where Ayar Auca was.

Arriving on the land of Huanay-pata, which is near where now stands the Arco de la plata leading to the Charcas road, he found settled there a nation of Indians named Huallas, already mentioned. Manco Ccapac and Mama Occlo began to settle and to take possession of the land and water, against the will of the Huallas. In this business they did many violent and unjust things. As the Huallas attempted to defend their lives and properties, many cruelties were committed by Manco Ccapac and Mama Occlo. They relate that Mama Occlo was so fierce that, having killed one of the Hualla Indians, she cut him up, took out the inside, carried the heart and lungs in her mouth, and with an ayuinto, which is a stone fastened to a rope, in her hand, she attacked the Huallas with diabolical resolution. When the Huallas beheld this horrible and inhuman spectacle, they feared that the same things would be done to them, being simple and timid, and they fled and abandoned their rights. Mama Occlo reflecting on her cruelty, and fearing that for it they would be branded as tyrants, resolved not to spare any Huallas, believing that the affair would thus be forgotten. So they killed all they could lay their hands upon, dragging infants from their mothers' wombs, that no memory might be left of these miserable Huallas.

Having done this Manco Ccapac advanced, and came within a mile of Cuzco to the S. E., where a Sinchi named Copalimayta came out to oppose him. We have mentioned this chief before and that, although he was a late comer, he settled with the consent of the natives of the valley, and had been incorporated in the nation of Sauaseray Panaca, natives of the site of Santo Domingo at Cuzco. Having seen the strangers invading their lands and tyrannizing over them, and knowing the cruelties inflicted on the Huallas, they had chosen Copalimayta as their Sinchi. He came forth to resist the invasion, saying that the strangers should not enter his lands or those of the natives. His resistance was such that Manco Ccapac and his companions were obliged to turn their backs. They returned to Huanay-pata, the land they had usurped from the Huallas. From the sowing they had made they derived a fine crop of maize, and for this reason they gave the place a name which means something precious.

After some months they returned to the attack on the natives of the valley, to tyrannize over them. They assaulted the settlement of the Sauaseras, and were so rapid in their attack that they captured Copalimayta, slaughtering many of the Sauaseras with great cruelty. Copalimayta, finding himself a prisoner and fearing death, fled out of desperation, leaving his estates, and was never seen again after he escaped. Mama Huaco and Manco Ccapac usurped his houses, lands and people. In this way Manco Ccapac, Mama Huaco, Sinchi Rocca, and Manco Sapaca settled on the site between the two rivers, and erected the House of the Sun, which they called Ynti-cancha. They divided all that position, from Santo Domingo to the junction of the rivers into four neighbourhoods or quarters which they call cancha. They called one Quinti-cancha, the second Chumpi-cancha, the third Sayri-cancha, and the fourth Yarampuy-cancha. They divided the sites among themselves, and thus the city was peopled, and, from the heap of stones of Ayar Auca it was called Cuzco.

DEATH OF PACHACUTI INCA YUPANQUI
from "History of the Incas" by Pedro Sarmiento De Gamboa, translated by Clements Markham, Cambridge: The Hakluyt Society 1907, pp. 138-139.
BEING IN THE HIGHEST PROSPERITY and sovereignty of his life, he fell ill of a grave infirmity, and, feeling that he was at the point of death, he sent for all his sons who were then in the city. In their presence he first divided all his jewels and contents of his wardrobe. Next he made them plough furrows in token that they were vassals of their brother, and that they had to eat by the sweat of their hands. He also gave them arms in token that they were to fight for their brother. He then dismissed them.

He next sent for the Incas orejones of Cuzco, his relations, and for Tupac Inca his son to whom he spoke, with a few words, in this manner: "Son! you now see how many great nations I leave to you, and you know what labour they have cost me. Mind that you are the man to keep and augment them. No one must raise his two eyes against you and live, even if he be your own brother. I leave you these our relations that they may be your councillors. Care for them and they shall serve you. When I am dead, take care of my body, and put it in my houses at Patallacta. Have my golden image in the House of the Sun, and make my subjects, in all the provinces, offer up solemn sacrifice, after which keep the feast of purucaya, that I may go to rest with my father the Sun." Having finished his speech they say that he began to sing in a low and sad voice with words of his own language. They are as follows:

"I was born as a flower of the field,
As a flower I was cherished in my youth,
I came to my full age, I grew old,
Now I am withered and die."

Having uttered these words, he laid his head upon a pillow and expired, giving his soul to the devil, having lived a hundred and twenty-five years. For he succeeded, or rather he took the Incaship into his hands when he was twenty-two, and he was sovereign one hundred and three years.

THE FESTIVAL OF THE SUN
From "The First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Incas" by Garcilaso de la Vega, El Inca, Translated by Sir Clements Markham. London: The Hakluyt Society, First Series #45, 1871. Volume II, pp. 155-167
THE WORD RAYMI is equivalent to our word Easter. Among the four festivals which the Kings celebrated in the city of Cuzco, the most solemn was that in honour of the Sun, during the month of June. It was called Yntip Raymi, which means the "Solemn Feast of the Sun." They called this feast especially Raymi, and though the word was also used for other festivals, this was the Raymi, and took place in the June solstice.

They celebrated this festival of the Sun in acknowledgment that they held and adored Him as the sole and universal God who, by his light and power, creates and sustains all things on earth; and that He was the natural father of the first Ynca Manco Ccapac and of his wife Mama Ocllo Huaco, and of all their descendants, who were sent to this earth for the benefit of all people. For these reasons, as they themselves say, this was their most solemn feast.

There were present at it all the chief captains not then employed in war, and all the Curacas, lords of vassals, from all parts of the empire, not because they were ordered to be present, but because they rejoiced to take part in the solemnities of so great a festival. For, as the ceremonies included the worship of the Sun God and of the Ynca their king, there was no one who did not desire to take part in it. When the Curacas were prevented, by old age or sickness, from being present, or by the public service or the long distance, they sent their sons and brothers, accompanied by the noblest of their kindred, to be at the festival in their place. The Ynca was there in person, if not prevented by absence at the wars or while inspecting the provinces.

The opening ceremonies were performed by the king himself as High Priest; for, although there was always a High Priest of the blood royal, who was legitimate uncle or brother of the Ynca, yet the Ynca himself officiated at this great festival, as first-born of the Sun.

The Curacas came in all the splendour they could afford. Some wore dresses adorned with bezants of gold and silver, and with the same fastened as a circlet round their headdresses. Others came in a costume neither more nor less than that in which Hercules is painted, wrapped in the skins of lions, with the heads fixed over their own. These were the Indians who claimed descent from a lion. Others came attired in the fashion that they paint angels, with great wings of the bird called ****ur. These wings are black and white, and so long that the Spaniards have often killed birds measuring fourteen feet between the tips of the wings. These are the Indians who declare that they are descended from a ****ur. The Yuncas came attired in the most hideous masks that can be imagined, and they appeared at the feasts making all sorts of grimaces, like fools and simpletons; and for this purpose they brought instruments in their hands, such as badly-made flutes and tambourines, and pieces of skin, to assist them in their fooleries. Other Curacas wore various costumes to distinguish them, and each different tribe came with the arms with which they fought in war. Some had bows and arrows; others lances, darts, javelins, clubs, slings, axes with short handles, and two-handed axes with long handles.

They brought with them paintings of the deeds they had performed in the service of the Sun and of the Yncas, and also great drums and trumpets, with many musicians to play them. In short, they all came in the best attire they could procure, and attended by the grandest and most imposing retinue their means would admit of.

All prepared themselves for the Raymi of the Sun by a rigorous fast; for, in three days they ate nothing but a little unripe maize, and a few herbs called Chucam, with plain water. During this time no fire was lighted throughout the city, and all men abstained from sleeping with their wives.

After the fast, in the evening before the festival, the Ynca sacrificial Priests prepared the sheep and lambs for sacrifice, and got ready the other offerings of food and drink that were to be offered to the Sun. All these offerings had been provided by the people who came to the feast, not only the Curacas and envoys, but also all their relations, vassals, and servants.

The Women of the Sun were engaged, during the night, in preparing an immense quantity of maize pudding called Canca. This was made up into small round cakes, about the size of an apple. It must be understood that the Indians never ate their corn kneaded and made into bread, except at this feast and at another called Situa, and they did not eat this bread during the whole meal, but only two or three mouthfuls of it at the beginning. Their usual food, in place of bread, was maize toasted or boiled in the grain.

The flour for this bread, especially for what was intended for the Ynca and those of the blood royal, was ground by the chosen virgins of the Sun, who cooked all the other food for this feast; that it might appear to be given rather by the Sun to his children than by his sons to him; and it was therefore prepared by the virgins, as women of the Sun.

Another vast assemblage of women ground the corn and cooked the food for the common people. And though the bread was intended for the people, it was yet prepared with care, because this bread was looked upon as sacred, and was only allowed to be eaten once during the year, on occasion of this feast, which was, among the people, the festival of their festivals.

The necessary preparations having been made, the Ynca came forth at dawn, on the day of the festival, accompanied by all his relations, marching according to their age and dignity. They proceeded to the great square, which was called Huacay-pata. Here they waited for sunrise, all of them being barefooted, and all watching the east with great attention. As soon as the sun appeared, they all bent down resting on their elbows (which, among these Indians, is the same as going down on the knees), with the arms apart and the hands raised. Thus they worshipped, and kissed the air (which with them is the equivalent to kissing the hand or the dress of a Prince in Spain); and they adored with much fervour and devotion, looking upon the Sun as their god and natural father.

The Curacas, not being of the blood royal, assembled in an adjoining square, called the Casi-pata, where they used the same forms of adoration as the Yncas.

Presently the King rose to his feet, the rest being still prostrate, and took two great cups of gold, called aquilla, full of the beverage that they drink. He performed this ceremony as the first-born, in the name of his father, the Sun, and, with the cup in his right hand, invited all his relations to drink. This custom of inviting each other to drink was the usual mode by which superiors showed favour and complacency to inferiors, and by which one friend saluted another.

Having given the invitation to drink, the Ynca emptied the vase in his right hand, which was dedicated to the Sun, into a jar of gold, whence the liquor flowed down a stone conduit of very beautiful masonry from the great square to the temple of the Sun, thus being looked upon as drunk by the deity. From the vase in his left hand the Ynca himself drank, that being his share, and then divided what remained among the other Yncas, pouring it into smaller cups of gold and silver. Gradually the principal vase, which the Ynca held, was emptied; and the partakers thus received such virtue from it as was imparted by its having been sanctified by the Sun or the Ynca, or rather by both together. Each member of the blood royal drank of this liquor. The Curacas in the other square received drinks of the beverage made by the chosen virgins, but not that which had also been sanctified by the Ynca.

This ceremony having been performed, which was but a foretaste of what would have to be drunk afterwards, all went in procession to the temple of the Sun. All took off their shoes, except the King, at two hundred paces before reaching the doors; but the King remained with his shoes on, until he came to the doors. The Ynca and his relations then entered the temple as legitimate children of the deity, and there worshipped the image of the Sun. But the Curacas, being unworthy of so great an honour, remained outside in a large square before the temple doors.

The Ynca offered to the Sun the golden vases with which he had performed the ceremony, and the other members of his family gave their cups to the Ynca priests, who were set apart for that office; for persons who were not priests, even if they were of the royal blood, were not allowed to perform the priestly office. Having offered up the cups of the Yncas, the priests came to the doors to receive those of the Curacas, who took their places according to their seniority as vassals, and presented the gold and silver articles which they had brought from their provinces as offerings to the Sun. These offerings were in the form of sheep, lambs, lizards, toads, serpents, foxes, tigers, lions, and many sorts of birds, in short, of all the animals in the provinces, each imitated from nature in gold and silver, though the size of each article was not great.

As soon as the offerings were made, the chiefs returned to their places in procession; and presently the priests came out with many lambs, ewes, and rams of all colours, for the native sheep of that country are of different colours, like the horses in Spain. All this flock was the property of the Sun. They took a black lamb, for among the Indians this colour was preferred for the sacrifices, as more sacred. For they said that a black beast was black all over, while a white one, though its body might be white, always had a black nose, which was a defect, and caused it to be less perfect than a black beast. For this reason also, the Kings generally dressed in black, and their mouming was the natural colour of the wool, which they call grey.

This first sacrifice of a black lamb was made to prognosticate the omens of the festival. For they almost always sacrificed a lamb before undertaking any act either of peace or war, in order to see, by examining the heart and lungs, whether it was acceptable to the Sun, that is to say, whether it would be successful or the reverse. In order to seek an omen to tell them whether a harvest would be good; for some crops they used a lamb, for others a ram, for others a sterile ewe; but they never killed a fruitful sheep even to eat, until it was past bearing.

They took the lamb or sheep, and placed it with the head towards the east. They did not tie its feet, but three or four Indians held it, and it was cut open on the left side while still alive. They then forced their hands in, and pulled out the heart with the lungs and gullet up to the mouth, and the whole had to be taken out entire, without being cut.

If the lungs were palpitating, or had not ceased to live as they call it, the augury was looked upon as most fortunate. If this omen appeared, they took no note of others that might appear of an opposite character. For they said that the excellence of this lucky omen would overcome the evil of all contrary signs. They then took the entrails, blew air into them, and fastened up the mouth, or held it tight with their hands. Presently they began to watch the ways by which the air entered and distended the veins and arteries. If they were very full of air, it was looked upon as a good omen. They had other ways of seeking auguries of which I took no note, but I remember having seen these two methods practised on two occasions when I was a child. I went into a yard on one occasion, where some old unbaptised Indians were performing a sacrifice, not of the Raymi, for that festival had been abolished before I was born, but for some special purpose, in order to watch the omens. With this object they sacrificed lambs and sheep, as on the feast of Raymi, for their special sacrifices were performed in imitation of those at the great festivals.

It was considered a very bad omen if the beast rose on its feet while they were opening its side, in spite of those who held it; or if the entrails broke and did not come out whole. It was also an evil sign if the lungs or heart were torn or bruised in being pulled out; and there were other signs which, as I have said, I neither inquired about nor took note of. I remember this because I heard the Indians, who made the sacrifice, asking each other concerning the bad or evil omens, and they did not mind me because I was but a child.

To return to the solemnities of the Raymi. If the sacrifice of the lamb did not furnish good auguries, they made another sacrifice of a sheep, and if this was also unpropitious they offered up another. But, even if the third sacrifice was unlucky, they did not desist from celebrating the festival, though they did so with inward sorrow and misgiving, believing that their father, the Sun, was enraged against them for some fault or negligence that they must have unintentionally committed against his service.

They feared that cruel wars, failure of crops, diseases in their flocks, and other misfortunes might befall them. But when the omens were propitious, their joy was very great with which they celebrated the festival, as they looked forward to future good fortune.

After the sacrifice of the lamb, they brought a great quantity of lambs and sheep for a general sacrifice, and they did not cut these open while they were alive, but beheaded them first. The blood and hearts of all these, as well as of the first lamb, were preserved and offered to the Sun, and the bodies were burnt until they were converted to ashes.

It was necessary that the fire for the sacrifice should be new, and given by the hand of the Sun, as they expressed it. For this purpose they took a large bracelet, called chipana (like those they usually wear on the left thumb). This was held by the high priest. It was larger than usual, and had on it a highly polished concave plate, about the diameter of an orange. They put this towards the Sun, at an angle, so that the reflected rays might concentrate on one point, where they had placed a little cotton well pulled out, for they did not know how to make tinder; but the cotton was soon lighted in the natural way. With this fire, thus obtained from the hands of the Sun, they consumed the sacrifice, and roasted all the meat on that day. Portions of the fire were then conveyed to the temple of the Sun, and to the convent of virgins, where they were kept in all the year, and it was an evil omen if they were allowed to go out. If on the eve of the festival, which was the time when they made the preparations for the sacrifice, there was no sun wherewith to light the new fire, they obtained it by means of two thin cylindrical sticks, about the girth of a man's finger, and half a vara long, which they rubbed together. They give the name of Vyaca both to the sticks and to the act of obtaining fire from them, the same word serving both for a noun and a verb. The Indians use these sticks instead of flint and steel, and they travel with them, so as to have the means of making a fire at their sleeping places, when in an uninhabited region. I have often seen this when I have made a journey with the Indians, and the shepherds make use of sticks for the same purpose.

They looked upon it as a bad omen to light the fire for the festival in this way, saying that, as the Sun refused to kindle the flame with his own hand, he must be angry with them. All the meat for the feast was roasted in public, in the two squares, and it was distributed amongst all those who were present at the feast, whether Yncas, Curacas, or common people. And each received a piece of the bread called Canca with the meat. This was the first dish in their grand and solemn banquet. Afterwards they received a great quantity of eatables, which were eaten without drinking; for it was the universal custom of the Indians of Peru not to drink while they were eating.

From what has been related, the assertion made by some Spaniards may have arisen that the Yncas and their vassals communicated like Christians. We have described the custom of the Indians, and each reader can make out the similitude as he pleases.

After the eating was over, they brought liquor in great quantity, for this was one of the most prevalent vices among the Indians. But at the present day, through the mercy of God and the good example which has been set them in this particular by the Spaniards, no Indian can get drunk without being despised and reviled by his fellows. If the Spaniards had set a like example as regards other vices, they would have been apostolic preachers of the gospel.

The Ynca, seated in his golden chair, which was placed on a platform of the same metal, sent to the members of the tribes called Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco, desiring them to drink, in his name, with the most distinguished Indians belonging to other nations. First, they invited the captains who had shown valour in war, who, even when they were not lords of vassals, were for their bravery preferred to Curacas. But if a Curaca, besides being a lord of vassals, was also a captain in the wars, they did him honour both on the one account and on the other. Next the Ynca ordered the Curacas living in the vicinity of Cuzco, to be invited to drink, being those whose ancestors the first Ynca Manco Ccapac had reduced to his service. These chiefs, owing to the great privilege of bearing the name of Ynca, which that Prince had granted them, were looked upon as nobles of the highest rank next to the Yncas of the blood royal, and before all the chiefs of other tribes. For those kings never thought of diminishing in the smallest degree any privilege or favour that their ancestors had granted to any of their vassals, but on the contrary confirmed and increased them.

In these drinking bouts that the Indians had with each other, it must be understood that they all held their cups touching each other, two and two, and whether large or small, they were always of the same size and shape, and of the same metal, whether gold, silver or wood. This custom was enforced that each might drink the same quantity. He who gave an invitation to drink carried the two cups in his hands, and if the invited person was of lower rank he was given the cup in the left hand, if of equal or higher rank, the cup in the right; and with more or less ceremony according to the position in life of one and the other. Then they both drank together, and, the person inviting to drink, having received back his cup, returned to his place. On these occasions the first invitation was from a superior to his inferior, in token of favour and kindness. Afterwards the inferior invited his superior, as an acknowledgment of his vassalage and duty.

In observing this custom, the Ynca first sent an invitation to his vassals, in each nation preferring the captains before those who were not warriors. The Ynca who took the invitation said to the invited person:-"The sole Ynca sends me to invite you to drink, and I come to drink with you in his name." The captain or Curaca then took the cup with much reverence, raised his eyes to the Sun, as though he would give thanks for so undeserved a favour conferred by his son, and having drunk, he returned the cup to the Ynca without another word, only making signs of adoration with his hands and kissing the air with his lips.

And it must be understood that the Ynca did not send invitations to drink to all the Curacas (though he did so to all captains) but only to a select number, who were most worthy and who were most devoted to the public good. For this was the mark at which they all shot, as well the Ynca as the Curacas and the ministers of peace and war. The rest of the Curacas were invited to drink by the same Yncas who brought the cups, but in their own names and not in that of the Ynca, which satisfied them, because the invitation came from one who was a child of the Sun, like their king.

After the first invitation to drink, the captains and Curacas of all the nations returned the challenges in the order that they had received them, some to the Ynca himself, and the others to his relations, according as the first invitation had been received. The Ynca was approached without a word, and merely with the signs of adoration I have already described. He received them with much condescension, and took the cups they presented, but as he could not, nor was it lawful for him to drink of them all, he merely put them to his lips, drinking a little from all of them, from some more, from others less, according to the favour he wished to show to their owners, which was regulated by their rank and merit. And he ordered the attendants, who were all Yncas by privilege, to drink for him with those captains and Curacas; who having done so, returned the cups.

The Curacas held these cups in great veneration as sacred things, because the sole Ynca had touched them with his hands and lips. They never drank out of them again, nor touched them, but looked upon them as idols fit to be worshipped, in memory of their having been touched by the Ynca. Certainly nothing can show more than this how great was the love and veneration, both internal and outward, that these Indians felt for their kings.

The invitation and the return challenge to drink having been observed, all returned to their places. Presently the dances and songs began, in different fashions, and with the several insignia, masks, and dresses used by each nation. While the singing and dancing continued they did not leave off drinking, the Yncas and Curacas inviting each other, according to their special friendships, or to the nearness of their places of residence.

The celebration of the feast of Raymi lasted for nine days, during which time there was abundance of eating and drinking, and such rejoicing as each person could show. But the sacrifices for observing omens were only made on the first day. As soon as the nine days were over the Curacas returned to their lands with the permission of the King, very joyful and contented at having celebrated the principal feast of their god the Sun. When the King was occupied in war or in visiting his dominions, he celebrated the feast in the place where he happened to be, but not with so much solemnity as when he was at Cuzco; while the Ynca governor, the High Priest, and others of the blood royal who remained behind, took care to celebrate it in the capital. On those occasions the Curacas assembled in the provinces, each one going to the feast which was held nearest to the place of his abode.

PACHACUTEC
(Ibid., pp. 201-210.)
THE YNCA PACHACUTEC, being now old, resolved to rest and not to make further conquests; for he had increased his empire until it was more than one hundred and thirty leagues from north to south, and in width from the snowy chain of the Andes to the sea, being sixty leagues from east to west in some places, and seventy in others, more or less. He now devoted himself to the confirmation of the laws of his ancestors, and to the enactment of new laws for the common good.

He founded many towns in those lands which by industry and by means of the numerous irrigation channels he caused to be made, were converted from sterile and uncultivated wilds into fruitful and rich districts.

He built many temples of the Sun in imitation of that of Cuzco, and many convents of virgins. He ordered many store-houses on the royal roads to be repaired, and houses to be built where the Yncas might lodge when travelling.

He also caused store-houses to be built in all villages, large or small, where supplies might be kept for succouring the people in time of scarcity, and he ordered these depots to be filled from the crops of the Ynca and of the Sun. In short, it may be said that he completely reformed the empire, as well as regards their vain religion, which he provided with new rites and ceremonies, destroying the numerous idols of his vassals, as by enacting new laws and regulations for the daily and moral life of the people, forbidding the abuses and barbarous customs to which the Indians were addicted before they were brought under his rule.

He also reformed the army in such fashion as proved him to be as great a captain as he was a king and a ruler; and he increased the honours and favours shown to those who distinguished themselves in war. He especially favoured and enlarged the great city of Cuzco, enriching it with new edifices and a larger population. He ordered a palace to be built for himself near the schools founded by his great grandfather Ynca Rocca. On account of these deeds, as well as for his amiable disposition and benignant government, he was loved and worshipped as another Jupiter. He reigned, according to the accounts of the Indians, more than fifty years, and some say more than sixty years. He lived in much peace and tranquillity, being alike beloved and obeyed, and at the end of this long time he died. He was universally lamented by all his vassals, and was placed among the number of their gods, as were the other Kings Yncas, his ancestors. He was embalmed, according to their custom, and the mourning, sacrifices and burial ceremonies lasted for a year.

He left as his heir the Ynca Yupanqui, who was his son by the Ccoya Anahuarque, his legitimate wife and sister. He left more than three hundred other sons and daughters, and some even say that, judging from his long life and the number of his wives, he must have had four hundred either legitimate or illegitimate children; and though this is a great many, the Indians say that it was few for such a father.

The Spanish historians confuse these two Kings, father and son, giving the names of both to one. The father was named Pachacutec. The name Ynca was common to all, for it was their title from the days of the first Ynca, called Manco Ccapac. In our account of the life of Lloque Yupanqui we described the meaning of the word Yupanqui, which word was also the name of this King, and combining the two names, they formed Ynca Yupanqui, which title was applied to all the Kings Yncas, so that Yupanqui ceased to be a special name. These two names are equivalent to the names Caesar Augustus, given to all the Emperors. Thus the Indians, in recounting the deeds of their Kings, and calling them by their names, would say, Pachacutec Ynca Yupanqui. The Spaniards understood that this was one King, and they do not admit the son and successor of Pachacutec, who was called Ynca Yupanqui, taking the two titles as his special name, and giving the same name to his own eldest son. But the Indians, to distinguish him from his father, called the latter Tupac (which means 'He who shines') Ynca Yupanqui. He was father of Huayna Ccapac Ynca Yupanqui, and grandfather of Huascar Ynca Yupanqui; and so all the other Yncas may be called by these titles. I have said this much to enable those who read this history to avoid confusion.

The Father Blas Valera, speaking of this Ynca, says as follows: "The Ynca Huiraccocha being dead and worshipped among the Indians as a god, his son, the great Titu, with surname of Manco Ccapac, succeeded him. This was his name until his father gave him that of Pachacutec, which means 'Reformer of the World.' That title was confirmed afterwards by his distinguished acts and sayings, insomuch that his first name was entirely forgotten. He governed his empire with so much industry, prudence and resolution, as well in peace as in war, that not only did he increase the boundaries of all the four quarters, called Ttahua-ntin suyu, but also he enacted many laws, all which have been confirmed by our Catholic Kings, except those relating to idolatry and to forbidden degrees of marriage. This Ynca above all things ennobled and increased, with great privileges, the schools that were founded in Cuzco by the King Ynca Rocca. He added to the number of the masters, and ordered that all the lords of vassals and captains and their sons, and all the Indians who held any office, should speak the language of Cuzco; and that no one should receive any office or lordship who was not well acquainted with it. In order that this useful law might have full effect, he appointed very learned masters for the sons of the princes and nobles, not only for those in Cuzco, but also for those throughout the provinces, in which he stationed masters that they might teach the language of Cuzco to all who were employed in the service of the state. Thus it was that in the whole empire of Peru one language was spoken, although now (owing to negligence) many provinces, where it was understood, have entirely lost it, not without great injury to the preaching of the gospel. All the Indians who, by obeying this law, still retain a knowledge of the language of Cuzco, are more civilised and more intelligent than the others.

"This Pachacutec prohibited any one, except princes and their sons, from wearing gold, silver, precious stones, plumes of feathers of different colours, nor the wool of the vicuña, which they weave with admirable skill. He permitted the people to be moderately ornamented on the first days of the month, and on some other festivals. The tributary Indians still observe this law, and content themselves with ordinary clothes, by which they avoid much vice which gay clothing is apt to cause. But the Indians, who are servants to Spaniards, and those who live in Spanish cities, are very extravagant in this particular, and do much harm alike to their pockets and consciences. This Ynca also ordered that great frugality should be observed in eating, although in drinking more freedom was allowed, both among the princes and the common people. He ordained that there should be special judges to try the idle, and desired that all should be engaged in work of some kind, either in serving their parents or masters, or in the service of the state; so much so, that even boys and girls of from five to seven years of age were given something to do suitable to their years. The blind, lame, and dumb, who could use their hands, were employed in some kind of work, and the aged were sent to scare the birds from the crops, and were supplied with food and clothing from the public store-houses. In order that labour might not be so continuous as to become oppressive, the Ynca ordained that there should be three holidays every month, in which the people should divert themselves with various games. He also commanded that there should be three fairs every month, when the labourers in the field should come to the market and hear anything that the Ynca or his Council might have ordained. They called these assemblies Catu, and they took place on the holidays.

"The Ynca also made a law that every province should have a fixed boundary enclosing the forests, pastures, rivers, lakes, mountains, and lands for tillage; all which should belong to that province and be within its jurisdiction in perpetuity. No Governor or Curaca could diminish or divide or appropriate to his own use any portion; but the land was divided according to a fixed rule which was defined by the same law for the common good, and the special benefit of the inhabitants of the province. The royal estates and those of the Sun were set apart, and the Indians had to plough, sow, and reap the crops, as well on their own lands as on those of the State. Hence it will be seen that it is false, what many have asserted, that the Indians had no proprietary right in the land. For this division was not made with reference to proprietary right, but for the common and special work to be expended upon the land. It was a very ancient custom among the Indians to work together not only on public lands, but also on their own, and with this view they measured the land, that each might complete such portion as he was able. The whole population assembled, and first worked their own lands in common, each one helping his neighbours, and then they began upon the royal estates; and the same practice was followed in sowing and in reaping. Almost in the same way they built their houses. The Indian who required a house went to the Council to appoint a day when it should be built, the inhabitants with one accord assembled to assist their neighbour, and thus the house was completed. The Ynca approved of this custom, and confirmed it by law. To this day many villages of Indians observe this law, and help each other with Christian charity; but avaricious men, who think only of themselves, do themselves harm and their neighbours no good.

"In fine, this King, with the advice of his Council, made many laws, rules, ordinances, and customs for the good of the people in numerous provinces. He also abolished many others which were detrimental either to the public peace or to his sovereignty. He also enacted many statutes against blasphemy, patricide, fratricide, homicide, treason, adultery, child-stealing, seduction, theft, arson; as well as regulations for the ceremonies of the temple. He confirmed many more that had been enacted by the Yncas his ancestors; such as that sons should obey and serve their fathers until they reached the age of twenty-five, that none should marry without the consent of the parents, and of the parents of the girl; that a marriage without this consent was invalid and the children illegitimate; but that if the consent was obtained afterwards the children then became legitimate. This Ynca also confirmed the laws of inheritance to lordships according to the ancient customs of each province; and he forbade the judges from receiving bribes from litigants. This Ynca made many other laws of less importance, which I omit, to avoid prolixity. Further on I shall relate what laws he made for the guidance of judges, for the contracting of marriages, for making wills, and for the army, as well as for reckoning the years. In our time the Viceroy, Don Francisco de Toledo, changed or revoked many laws and regulations made by this Ynca; and the Indians, admiring his absolute power, called him the second Pachacutec, for they said he was the Reformer of the first Reformer. Their reverence and veneration for this Ynca was so great that to this day they cannot forget him."

Down to this point is from what I found amongst the tom papers of Father Blas Valera. That which he promises to write further on, touching the judges, marriages, wills, the army, and the reckoning of the year, is lost, which is a great pity. On another leaf I found part of the sententious sayings of this Ynca Pachacutec, which are as follows:--

"When subjects, captains and Curacas, cordially obey the King, then the kingdom enjoys perfect peace and quiet.

"Envy is a worm that gnaws and consumes the entrails of the envious.

"He that envies and is envied, has a double torment.

"It is better that others should envy you for being good, than that you should envy others, you yourself being evil.

"He that envies another, injures himself.

"He that envies the good, draws evil from them for himself, as does the spider in taking poison from flowers.

"Drunkenness, anger and madness go together; only the first two are voluntary and to be removed, while the last is perpetual.

"He that kills another without authority or just cause, condemns himself to death.

"He that kills his neighbour must of necessity die; and for this reason the ancient Kings, our ancestors, ordained that all homicides should be punished by a violent death, a law which we confirm afresh.

"Under no circumstances should thieves be tolerated, who, being able to gain a livelihood by honest labour and to possess it by a just right, wish to have more by robbing and stealing. It is very just that he who is a thief should be put to death.

"Adulterers, who destroy the peace and happiness of others, ought to be declared thieves, and condemned to death without mercy.

"The noble and generous man is known by the patience he shows in adversity.

"Impatience is the sign of a vile and base mind, badly taught and worse accustomed.

"When subjects do their best to obey without any hesitation, kings and governors ought to treat them with liberality and kindness; but when they act otherwise, with rigour and strict justice, though always with prudence.

"Judges who secretly receive gifts from suitors ought to be looked upon as thieves, and punished with death as such.

"Governors ought to attend to two things with much attention. The first is, that they and their subjects keep and comply exactly with the laws of their king. The second, that they consult with much vigilance and care, touching the common and special affairs of their provinces. The man who knows not how to govern his house and family, will know much less how to rule the state. Such a man should not be preferred above others.

"The physician herbalist that is ignorant of the virtues of herbs, or who, knowing the uses of some, has not attained a knowledge of all, understands little or nothing. He ought to work until he knows all, as well the useful as the injurious plants, in order to deserve the name he pretends to.

"He who attempts to count the stars, not even knowing how to count the marks and knots of the 'quipus,' ought to be held in derision."

These are the sayings of Ynca Pachacutec. He speaks of the marks and knots of the accounts because, as they had neither letters for writing nor figures for ciphering, they kept their accounts by means of marks and knots.

THREE INCA PRAYERS
From: Ancient Civilizations of the Andes by Philip Ainsworth Means, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1931, pp. 437-439.
TO VIRACOCHA
Viracocha, Lord of the Universe!
Whether male or female,
at any rate commander of heat and reproduction,
being one who,
even with His spittle, can work sorcery,
Where art Thou?
Would that Thou wert not hidden from this son of Thine!
He may be above;
He may be below;
or, perchance, abroad in space.
Where is his mighty judgment-seat?
Hear me!
He may be spread abroad among the upper waters;
or, among the lower waters and their sands
He may be dwelling.
Creator of the world,
Creator of man,
great among my ancestors,
before Thee my eyes fail me,
though I long to see Thee;
for, seeing Thee,
knowing Thee,
learning from Thee,
understanding Thee,
I shall be seen by Thee,
and Thou wilt know me.
The Sun--the Moon;
The Day--the Night;
Summer--Winter;
not in vain,
in orderly succession,
do they march to their destined place,
to their goal.
They arrive
wherever
Thy royal staff
Thou bearest.
Oh! Harken to me,
listen to me,
let it not befall
that I grow weary
and die.

TO VIRACOCHA
O conquering Viracocha!
Ever-present Viracocha!
Thou who art without equal upon the earth!
Thou who art from the beginnings of the world until its end!
Thou gavest life and valour to men, saying,
"Let this be a man."
And to woman, saying,
"Let this be a woman."
Thou madest them and gavest them being.
Watch over them, that they may live in health and in peace.
Thou who art in the highest heavens,
and among the clouds of the tempest,
grant them long life,
and accept this our sacrifice,
O Creator.

TO PACHACAMAC
O Pachacamac!
Thou who hast existed from the beginning,
Thou who shalt exist until the end,
powerful but merciful,
Who didst create man by saying,
"Let man be,"
Who defendest us from evil,
and preservest our life and our health,
art Thou in the sky or upon the earth?
In the clouds or in the deeps?
Hear the voice of him who implores Thee,
and grant him his petitions.
Give us life everlasting,
preserve us, and accept this our sacrifice.

Apu Ollantay
Clements Markham, translator
[1910]

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This is one of the only (if not the only) Native American dramatic compositions known. It compares favorably with European dramas; it also gives a rare look at the inner workings of the Inca culture. This is the tale of Ollantay, a noble commoner who defies the Inca because of his love for the princess Cusi Coyllor, and thereby puts the empire into a state of rebellion. Ollantay combines tragedy and comedy, and has a vivid cast of male and female characters. This translation by Clements Markham follows the original closely and is very readable.

OLLANTAY
ACTS AND SCENES
ACT 1. Sc. 1.--Open space near Cuzco.
Ollantay, Piqui Chaqui, Uillac Uma.
Sc. 2.--Hall in the Colcampata.
Anahuarqui, Cusi Coyllur, Inca Pachacuti, Boys and Girls, Singers.
Sc. 3.--Hall in the Inca's palace.
Pachacuti, Rumi-ñaui, Ollantay.
Sc. 4.--Height above Cuzco.
Ollantay, Piqui Chaqui, Unseen Singer.
Sc. 5.--Hall in the Inca's palace.
Pachacuti, Rumi-ñaui, and a Chasqui.

ACT II. Sc. 1.--Ollantay-tampu Hall.
Ollantay, Urco Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu, People and Soldiers.
Sc. 2.--A wild place in the mountains.
Rumi-ñaui's soliloquy.
Sc. 3.--Gardens of the Virgins.
Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla, Mama Ccacca.

ACT III. Sc. 1.--Pampa Maroni at Cuzco.
Uillac Uma and Piqui Chaqui.
Sc. 2.--Palace of Tupac Yupanqui.
Tupac Yupanqui, Uillac Uma, Rumi-ñaui.

p. 338

Sc. 3.--Ollantay-tampu, Terrace.
Rumi-ñaui, Ollantay, Guards.
Sc. 4.--House of Virgins, Corridor.
Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla.
Sc. 5.--House of Virgins, Garden.
Yma Sumac, Pitu Salla, Cusi Coyllur.
Sc. 6.--Palace of Tupac Yupanqui.
Tupac Yupanqui, Uillac Uma, a Chasqui, Rumi-ñaui, Ollantay, Urco Huaranca, Hanco Huayllu, Piqui Chaqui, Chiefs and Guards. then Yma Sumac.
Sc. 7.--House of Virgins, Garden.
All of Scene 6, and Mama Ccacca, Cusi Coyllur, Pitu Salla.

ACT I
SCENE I
An open space near the junction of the two torrents of Cuzco, the Huatanay and Tullumayu or Rodadero, called Pumap Chupan, just outside the gardens of the Sun. The Temple of the Sun beyond the gardens, and the Sacsahuaman hill surmounted by the fortress, rising in the distance. The palace of Colcampata on the hillside.

(Enter OLLANTAY L. [in a gilded tunic, breeches of llama sinews, usutas or shoes of llama hide, a red mantle of ccompi or fine cloth, and the chucu or head-dress of his rank, holding a battle-axe (champi) and club (macana)] and PIQUI CHAQUI coming up from the back R. [in a coarse brown tunic of auasca or llama cloth, girdle used as a sling, and chucu or head-dress of a Cuzqueño].)

Ollantay. Where, young fleet-foot, hast thou been?
Hast thou the starry Ñusta seen?
Piqui Chaqui. The Sun forbids such sacrilege
'Tis not for me to see the star.
Dost thou, my master, fear no ill,
Thine eyes upon the Inca's child?
Ollantay. In spite of all I swear to love
That tender dove, that lovely star;
My heart is as a lamb 1 with her,
And ever will her presence seek.


p. 342

Piqui Chaqui. Such thoughts are prompted by Supay 1;
That evil being possesses thee.
All round are beauteous girls to choose
Before old age, and weakness come.
If the great Inca knew thy plot
And what thou seekest to attain,
Thy head would fall by his command,
Thy body would be quickly burnt.
Ollantay. Boy, do not dare to cross me thus.
One more such word and thou shalt die.
These hands will tear thee limb from limb,
If still thy councils are so base.
Piqui Chaqui. Well! treat thy servant as a dog,
But do not night and day repeat,
'Piqui Chaqui! swift of foot!
Go once more to seek the star.'
Ollantay. Have I not already said
That e'en if death's fell scythe 2 was here,
If mountains should oppose my path
Like two fierce foes 3 who block the way,
Yet will I fight all these combined
And risk all else to gain my end,
And whether it be life or death
I'll cast myself at Coyllur's feet.
Piqui Chaqui. Rut if Supay himself should come?
Ollantay. I'd strike the evil spirit down.




p. 343

Piqui Chaqui. If thou shouldst only see his nose,
Thou wouldst not speak as thou dost now.
Ollantay. Now, Piqui Chaqui, speak the truth,
Seek not evasion or deceit.
Dost thou not already know,
Of all the flowers in the field,
Not one can equal my Princess?
Piqui Chaqui. Still, my master, thou dost rave.
I think I never saw thy love.
Stay! was it her who yesterday
Came forth with slow and faltering steps
And sought a solitary 1 path 2?
If so, 'tis true she's like the sun,
The moon less beauteous than her face. 3
Ollantay. It surely was my dearest love.
How beautiful, how bright is she
This very moment thou must go
And take my message to the Star.
Piqui Chaqui. I dare not, master; in the day,
1 fear to pass the palace gate.
With all the splendour of the court,
I could not tell her from the rest.
Ollantay. Didst thou not say thou sawest her?
Piqui Chaqui. I said so, but it was not sense.
A star can only shine at night
Only at night could I be sure.
Ollantay. Begone, thou lazy good-for-nought.
The joyful star that I adore,
If placed in presence of the Sun,
Would shine as brightly as before.




p. 344

Piqui Chaqui. Lo! some person hither comes,
Perhaps an old crone seeking alms;
Yes! Look! he quite resembles one.
Lot him the dangerous message take.
Send it by him, O noble Chief!
From me they would not hear the tale;
Thy page is but a humble lad.

(Enter the UILLAC UMA, or High Priest of the Sun, at the back, arms raised to the Sun. In a grey tunic and black mantle from the shoulders to the ground, a long knife in his belt, the undress chucu on his head.)

Uillac Uma. O giver of all warmth and light
O Sun! I fall and worship thee.
For thee the victims are prepared,
A thousand llamas and their lambs
Are ready for thy festal day.
The sacred fire'll lap their blood,
In thy dread presence, mighty one,
After long fast 1 thy victims fall.
Ollantay. Who comes hither, Piqui Chaqui?
Yes, 'tis the holy Uillac Uma;
He brings his tools of augury.
No puma 2 more astute and wise
I hate that ancient conjurer
Who prophesies of evil things,
I feel the evils he foretells;
'Tis he who ever brings ill-luck.



p. 345

Piqui Chaqui. Silence, master, do not speak,
The old man doubly is informed;
Fore-knowing every word you say,
Already he has guessed it all.

(He lies down on a bank.)

Ollantay (aside). He sees me. I must speak to him.

(The Uillac Uma comes forward.)

O Uillac Uma, Great High Priest,
I bow before thee with respect
May the skies be clear for thee,
And brightest sunshine meet thine eyes.
Uillac Uma. Brave Ollantay! Princely one!
May all the teeming land be thine;
May thy far-reaching arm of might
Reduce the wide-spread universe.
Ollantay. Old man! thine aspect causes fear,
Thy presence here some ill forebodes;
All round thee dead men's bones appear,
Baskets, flowers, sacrifice.
All men when they see thy face
Are filled with terror and alarm.
What means it all? why comest thou?
It wants some months before the least.
Is it that the Inca is ill?
Perchance hast thou some thought divined
Which soon will turn to flowing blood.
Why comest thou? the Sun's great day,
The Moon's libations are not yet
The moon has not yet nearly reached
The solemn time for sacrifice.
Uillac Uma. Why dost thou these questions put,
In tones of anger and reproach?

p. 346

Am I, forsooth, thy humble slave?
That I know all I'll quickly prove.
Ollantay. My beating heart is filled with dread,
Beholding thee so suddenly;
Perchance thy coming is a sign,
Of evils overtaking me.
Uillac Uma. Fear not, Ollantay! not for that,
The High Priest comes to thee this day.
It is perhaps for love of thee,
That, as a straw is blown by wind,
A friend, this day, encounters thee.
Speak to me as to a friend,
Hide nothing from my scrutiny.
This day I come to offer thee
A last and most momentous choice
'Tis nothing less than life or death.
Ollantay. Then make thy words more clear to me,
That I may understand the choice
Till now 'tis but a tangled skein,
Unravel it that I may know.
Uillac Uma. 'Tis well. Now listen, warlike. Chief
My science has enabled me,
To learn and see all hidden things
Unknown to other mortal men.
My power will enable me
To make of thee a greater prince.
I brought thee up from tender years,
And cherished thee with love and care
I now would guide thee in the right,
And ward off all that threatens thee.
As chief of Anti-suyu now,
The people venerate thy name;
Thy Sovereign trusts and honours thee,
E'en to sharing half his realm.
From all the rest he chose thee out,

p. 347

And placed all power in thy hands;
He made thy armies great and strong,
And strengthened thee against thy foes
How numerous soe'er they be,
They have been hunted down by thee.
Are these good reasons for thy wish,
To wound thy Sovereign to the heart?
His daughter is beloved by thee;
Thy passion thou wouldst fain indulge,
Lawless and forbidden though it be.
I call upon thee, stop in time,
Tear this folly from thy heart.
If thy passion is immense,
Still let honour hold its place.
You reel, you stagger on the brink
I'd snatch thee from the very edge.
Thou knowest well it cannot be,
The Inca never would consent.
If thou didst e'en propose it now,
He would be overcome with rage;
From favoured prince and trusted chief,
Thou wouldst descend to lowest rank.
Ollantay. How is it that thou canst surely know
What still is hidden in my heart?
Her mother only knows my love,
Yet thou revealest all to me.
Uillac Uma. I read thy secret on the moon,
As if upon the Quipu knots;
And what thou wouldst most surely hide,
Is plain to me as all the rest.
Ollantay. In my heart I had divined
That thou wouldst search me through and through
Thou knowest all, O Councillor,
And wilt thou now desert thy son?
Uillac Uma. How oft we mortals heedless drink,

p. 348

A certain death from golden cup
Recall to mind how ills befall,
And that a stubborn heart 's the cause.
Ollantay (kneeling). Plunge that dagger in my breast,
Thou holdst it ready in thy belt;
Cut out my sad and broken heart
I ask the favour at thy feet.
Uillac Uma (to Piqui Chaqui). Gather me that flower, boy.

(Piqui Chaqui gives him a withered flower and lies down again, pretending to sleep.)

(To Ollantay). Behold, it is quite dead and dry.
Once more behold! e'en now it weeps,
It weeps. The water flows from it.

(Water flows out of the flower.)

Ollantay. More easy for the barren rocks
Or for sand to send forth water,
Than that I should cease to love
The fair princess, the joyful star.
Uillac Uma. Put a seed into the ground,
It multiplies a hundredfold;
The more thy crime shall grow and swell,
The greater far thy sudden fall.
Ollantay. Once for all, I now confess
To thee, O great and mighty Priest;
Now learn my fault. To thee I speak,
Since thou hast torn it from my heart.
The lasso to tie me is long,
'Tis ready to twist round my throat
Yet its threads are woven with gold,
It avenges a brilliant crime.
Cusi Coyllur e'en now is my wife,
Already we 're bound and are one;

p. 349

My blood now runs in her veins,
E'en now I am noble as she.
Her mother has knowledge of all,
The Queen can attest what I say;
Let me tell all this to the King,
I pray for thy help and advice.
I will speak without fear and with force,
He may perhaps give way to his rage
Yet he may consider my youth,
May remember the battles I've fought;
The record is carved on my club.

(Holds up his macana.)

He may think of his enemies crushed,
The thousands I've thrown at his feet.
Uillac Uma. Young Prince! thy words are too bold,
Thou hast twisted the thread of thy fate--
Beware, before 'tis too late;
Disentangle and weave it afresh,
Go alone to speak to the King,
Alone bear the blow that you seek;
Above all let thy words be but few,
And say them with deepest respect;
Be it life, be it death that you find,
I will never forget thee, my son.

[Walks up and exit.

Ollantay. Ollantay, thou art a man,
No place in thy heart for fear;
Cusi Coyllur, surround me with light.
Piqui Chaqui, where art thou?
Piqui Chaqui (jumping up). I was asleep, my master,
And dreaming of evil things.
Ollantay. Of what?
Piqui Chaqui. Of a fox with a rope round its neck.

p. 350

Ollantay. Sure enough, thou art the fox.
Piqui Chaqui. It is true that my nose is growing finer,
And my ears a good deal longer.
Ollantay. Come, lead me to the Coyllur.
Piqui Chaqui. It is still daylight.

SCENE 2
A great hall in the Colcampata, then the palace of the Queen or Ccoya Anahuarqui. In the centre of the back scene a doorway, and seen through it gardens with the snowy peak of Vilcañota in the distance. Walls covered with golden slabs. On either side of the doorway three recesses, with household gods in the shape of maize-cobs and llamas, and gold vases in them. On R. a golden tiana or throne. On L. two lower seats covered with cushions of fine woollen cloth.

(ANAHUARQUI, the Queen or Ccoya (in blue chucu, white cotton bodice, and red mantle secured by a golden topu or pin, set with emeralds, and a blue skirt), and the princess CUSI COYLLUR (in a chucu, with feathers of the tunqui, white bodice and skirt, and grey mantle with topu, set with pearls) discovered seated.)

Anahuarqui. Since when art thou feeling so sad,
Cusi Coyllur! great Inti's prunelle? 1
Since when hast thou lost all thy joy,
Thy smile and thy once merry laugh?


p. 351

Tears of grief now pour down my face,
As I watch and mourn over my child;
Thy grief makes me ready to die.
Thy union filled thee with joy,
Already you're really his wife.
Is he not the man of thy choice?
O daughter, devotedly loved,
Why plunged in such terrible grief?

(Cusi Coyllur has had her face hidden in the pillows. She now rises to her feet, throwing up her arms.)

Cusi Coyllur. O my mother! O most gracious Queen!
How can my tears o'er cease to flow,
How can my bitter sighs surcease,
While the valiant Chief I worship
For many days and sleepless nights,
All heedless of my tender years,
Seems quite to have forgotten me?
He has turned his regard from his wife
And no longer seeks for his love.
O my mother! O most gracious Queen!
O my husband so beloved!
Since the day when I last saw my love
The moon has been hidden from view;
The sun shines no more as of old,
In rising it rolls among mist;
At night the stars are all dim,
All nature seems sad and distressed
The comet with fiery tail,
Announces my sorrow and grief
Surrounded by darkness and tears,
Evil auguries fill me with fears.
O my mother! O most gracious Queen!
O my husband so beloved!

p. 352

Anahuarqui. Compose thyself and dry thine eyes,
The King, thy father, has arrived.
Thou lovest Ollantay, my child?

(Enter the INCA PACHACUTI. On his head the mascapaycha, with the llautu or imperial fringe. A tunic of cotton embroidered with gold; on his breast the golden breastplate representing the sun, surrounded by the calendar of months. Round his waist the fourfold belt of tocapu. A crimson mantle of fine vicuña wool, fastened on his shoulders by golden puma's heads. Shoes of cloth of gold. He sits down on the golden tiana.)

Inca Pachacuti. Cusi Coyllur! Star of joy,
Most lovely of my progeny!
Thou symbol of parental love--
Thy lips are like the huayruru. 1
Rest upon thy father's breast,
Repose, my child, within mine arms.

(Cusi Coyllur comes across. They embrace.)

Unwind thyself, my precious one,
A thread of gold within the woof.
All my happiness rests upon thee,
Thou art my greatest delight.
Thine eyes are lovely and bright,
As the rays of my father the Sun.
When thy lips are moving to speak,
When thine eyelids are raised with a smile,
The wide world is fairly entranced.
Thy breathing embalms the fresh air;


p. 353

Without thee thy father would pine,
Life to him would be dreary and waste.
He seeks for thy happiness, child,
Thy welfare is ever his care.

(Cusi Coyllur throws herself at his feet.)

Cusi Coyllur. O father, thy kindness to me
I feel; and embracing thy knees
All the grief of thy daughter will cease,
At peace when protected by thee.
Pachacuti. How is this! my daughter before me
On knees at my feet, and in tears?
I fear some evil is near--
Such emotion must needs be explained.
Cusi Coyllur. The star does weep before Inti,
The limpid tears wash grief away.
Pachacuti. Rise, my beloved, my star,
Thy place is on thy dear father's knee.

(Cusi Coyllur rises and sits on a stool by her father. An attendant approaches.)

Attendant. O King! thy servants come to please thee.
Pachacuti. Let them all enter.

(Boys and girls enter dancing. After the dance they sing a harvest song.)

Thou must not feed,
O Tuyallay, 1
In Ñusta's field,
O Tuyallay.
Thou must not rob,
O Tuyallay,
The harvest maize,
O Tuyallay.


p. 354

The grains are white,
O Tuyallay,
So sweet for food,
O Tuyallay.
The fruit is sweet,
O Tuyallay,
The leaves are green
O Tuyallay;
But the trap is set,
O Tuyallay.
The lime is there,
O Tuyallay.
We'll cut thy claws,
O Tuyallay,
To seize thee quick,
O Tuyallay.
Ask Piscaca, 1
O Tuyallay,
Nailed on a branch,
O Tuyallay.
Where is her heart,
O Tuyallay?
Where her plumes,
O Tuyallay?
She is cut up,
O Tuyallay,
For stealing grain,
O Tuyallay.
See the fate,
O Tuyallay,
Of robber birds,
O Tuyallay.


p. 355

Pachacuti. Cusi Coyllur, remain thou here,
Thy mother's palace is thy home
Fail not to amuse thyself,
Surrounded by thy maiden friends.

[Exeunt the Inca Pachacuti, the Ccoya Anahuarqui, and attendants.

Cusi Coyllur. I should better like a sadder song.
My dearest friends, the last you sang
To me foreshadowed evil things; 1
You who sang it leave me now.

[Exeunt boys and girls, except one girl who sings.

Two loving birds are in despair, 2
They moan, they weep, they sigh;
For snow has fallen on the pair,
To hollow tree they fly.

But lo! one dove is left alone
And mourns her cruel fate;
She makes a sad and piteous moan,
Alone without a mate.

She fears her friend is dead and gone--
Confirmed in her belief,
Her sorrow finds relief in song,
And thus she tells her grief.

'Sweet mate! Alas, where art thou now?
I miss thine eyes so bright,
Thy feet upon the tender bough,
Thy breast so pure and bright.'



p. 356

She wanders forth from stone to stone,
She seeks her mate in vain;
'My love! my love!' she makes her moan,
She falls, she dies in pain.

Cusi Coyllur. That yarahui is too sad,
Leave me alone.

[Exit the girl who sang the yarahui.

Now my tears can freely flow.